20th of October that Gage received the instructions to relieve Amherst from his command, although dated the 13th of August, and that he took steps to vacate the government of Montreal which he then held. *

Gage arrived at New York on the 16th of November. The following day Amherst departed for England. He placed in Gage's hands a memoir of some length with regard to the position of the British provinces, dwelling on the necessity of obtaining a permanent peace with the Indians, and expressing the view that it could only be gained by following them into their country and awakening their fears for the future. He recommended Bradstreet for the command of the expedition by the lakes, stating that that officer had applied for the appointment. To Johnson he wrote, that he would be glad to help him in any way in his power, to testify to him the proof of his sincere regard and esteem. It was praise well deserved by this able man, whose personal influence over the Indians was great, and it had been invariably exercised with prudence and courage. The hostile attitude of the Senecas, or as they were sometimes now called the Chenussios, exacted the exercise of the greatest judgment in the treatment of the other branches of the Six Nations. Amherst knew well all that he owed in this respect to Johnson, and it was one of his last acts to bear testimony to Johnson's zeal, ability and conscientious discharge of his duty.

Amherst arrived in Canada in 1758, in command of the land forces before Louisbourg. He succeeded Abercrombie in command of the forces, and had directed the operations which drove the French from lake Champlain, and the advance of the following year which ended in the capture of Montreal.

English feeling and thought that it never took foothold. Her present Majesty, for whom the feeling of respect is as deep as it is general, would read with some astonishment a sentence similar to that penned by Amherst on the occasion: "May I take the liberty to beg that your lordship will lay me at the king's Feet with my most humble and dutiful thanks for his Majesty's Gracious Intention of permitting me to return home," etc., etc.

Amherst to Lord Egremont, 13th August, 1763. A. & W. I., 98.1, p. 304. Ante, vol. IV., p. 447.

1763]

WRECK ON LAKE ERIE.

67

The capitulation of the French force completed the conquest of Canada. Nominally the governor-general of Quebec, he had remained in New York, and although officially engaged in a correspondence with regard to the policy of Canada, the ability of his lieutenants rendered interference on his part unnecessary. He cannot therefore be regarded as the first governor-general of Canada, although occupying that position while Canada was held as a conquered country. Murray, appointed after the definitive treaty of 1763, is generally described as the first governor-in-chief.

It was one of the early duties of Gage to record the serious calamity of the wreck of a small fleet of bateaux proceeding to Detroit. Major Wilkins, who was in command, left Niagara in November, and was caught in a storm on lake Erie on the 7th of the month; it is described as rising "of a sudden." There must have been singular want of judgment in navigating lake Erie in bateaux at such a distance from shore, that land could not be rapidly reached. The event took place at the spot described as Long Beach. Several of the boats were lost and many dashed to pieces in the attempt to land. Three officers, four sergeants, sixty-three privates perished. Sixteen boats were sunk, with one 6-pdr.; nearly all the ammunition was lost or destroyed. The thirty boats saved from the wreck were in such bad condition that it was not possible to proceed; moreover, there remained only provisions for twenty-five days, with but four to five cartridges a man. Information was sent of this disaster to Gladwin. Considering the lateness of the season, and from the failure to obtain additional supplies, the latter determined to reduce the garrison to 212 men, sending those in excess of this number to Niagara.

The resolution of Gage to carry out the policy bequeathed by Amherst, that of forming two strong columns, one to attack the Indians by the lakes, the second to advance from fort Pitt by the Ohio, to bring the Shawances and Delawares into subjection, led him to apply to the colonies for men to aid in the operations. In making the request he did not hold out

the least expectation that the expenses incurred would be dispensed by the crown.

*

It was not a popular proceeding. The provinces unwil lingly gave quarters to the soldier even on service, and it was the common opinion that the duty of furnishing land carriage in the operations on the Ohio was a legitimate opportunity for exaction. There was unwillingness to bear any of the expense of the war. The merchants of Philadelphia, in September, 1763, even sent in a petition setting forth their losses in the outbreak, and asked that compensation should be obtained from the Indians, and such of the French "whom you may have reason to believe to have been the instigators to the savages, to such unheard of cruelties and depredations."

Gage's instructions from London were to follow out the measures of Amherst to bring the Indians to a lasting peace. At the same time, the opinion was expressed that the Indians had been treated with great neglect, and that, for the future, they ought to be more cared for. The war was ruinous to industry and enterprise, and was troublesome, costly and the occasion of great loss of life. There was every reason that it should be brought to a close, and to attain this result a strong force was indispensable. The provinces were consequently required to furnish their quota of men. New York was called upon for 1400, Massachusetts Bay 700, Connecticut 500, New Hampshire 500, Rhode Island 200, and a contingent of 300 men was asked from Canada.

In the first instance Massachusetts refused to raise men: equally so Connecticut. Subsequently the house of assembly stated that the application would be considered in the spring. New Hampshire made excuses and avoided the demand. Rhode Island made no answer to the requisition. New York agreed to furnish 500 men to join the king's troops, and 900 to be posted on the frontier. The Mississaga Indians at Oswagatchie,† in the neighbourhood of fort Augustus, had

* Gage to Halifax, 7th January, 1764. A. & W. I., 121.1, p. 42. + Ogdensburg. Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 121.1, p. 44.

1764]

MAJOR LOFTUS.

69

commenced to be troublesome, and it was thought necessary to guard against any movement on their part, for the settlements on the Mohawk were directly threatened by them.

In the month of February, 1764, an attempt was made by major Loftus to ascend the Mississippi with the design of taking possession of the Illinois. By the treaty of peace the navigation of the river was free to both countries, and it was conceived that if the French would act in good faith, no difficulty would be experienced. Loftus left New Orleans with his detachment, composed of the 22nd regiment, on the 27th of February. After advancing seventy leagues up the river, he was attacked by a party concealed at the Roche d'Avion. From intelligence which he received when in New Orleans, he looked to the possibility of being interfered with, and the boats proceeded in their ascent with caution, one following the other, the arms remaining by the side of the men as they rowed. On the 20th of March, at seven in the morning, the two leading boats were fired upon from the west side. Orders had been given in case of attack to move to the opposite bank. But both boats had been disabled, out of sixteen men şix were killed and four wounded; the boats consequently fell down with the stream. As is usual in such surprises no enemy was visible, and as the end desired by those in concealment had been attained, the ascent of the river being impeded, the attack was not followed up. Loftus made no attempt to land, for it was impossible to do so; and had he succeeded, he would have experienced greater disaster. The banks were overflowed, it being the season of high water, and trees of large girth stood in the stream several yards from the water-line. It was not possible to row against the stream in the middle, and the breadth of quiet water they could follow was so narrow, that they could not have kept out of range of shot. Had the Indians who made the attack waited for the whole body to come within their reach, they would have destroyed half the detachment, for there was no cover: a fact which may be accepted as a proof that the desire was to prevent the ascent of the Mississippi, not to destroy those

making the attempt. This aggressive proceeding had been entirely conceived in the interests of the New Orleans trade with the Illinois settlements, and had not been dictated by national feeling. There was accordingly no alternative but to return: Loftus estimated by the fire made upon the detachment, that two hundred men were in ambush, sufficient to stop two thousand in open boats.

On his return to New Orleans, Loftus applied for permission to carry his boats overland to the bayou, and so reach lake Ponchartrain, the route which it was usual to follow, by which means the detachment would have gained Mobile without difficulty. D'Abbadie refused his permission. Fortunately one of the transports which had brought them from Mobile was in the river. Loftus detained the vessel, and descended with his boats and stores to the "Balizes," where he embarked and proceeded to Pensacola, to prepare for a renewed attempt. It was the first endeavour of the British to take possession of the Illinois; the extreme west of the territory was held to be Canada.

Owing to M. d'Abbadie making a report to M. de Choiseuil of the language of major Loftus, who he said had imputed the cause of his failure to French machinations, the French minister officially complained to the British court of the wrong and injustice done to their officer: the remonstrance was referred to Gage, who asked Loftus for explanations on the subject.* Loftus replied at some length. His statement is important; it establishes the systematic opposition of the French to the British possession of the Illinois. It was indeed a part of their plan of operations to make settlement around the lakes from the old provinces impossible. Loftus relates that previous to his arrival with the force, colonel Robertson, the deputy quartermaster general, had proceeded to New Orleans, and had waited upon the governor d'Abbadie, who promised him assistance. With his approval a merchant of the place undertook the work of preparing the boats, which were to be ready by the 2nd of January.

* Mobile, Dec. 24th, 1764. Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 121.2, pp. 492, 504.