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opinion that the district of Quebec would readily furnish one thousand men. The enlistment was so slowly effected that at one time he thought he would be forced to have recourse to impressment from the militia.* Of the three hundred asked, Montreal and Quebec had each to furnish one hundred and twenty, and Three Rivers sixty men. Haldimand at Three Rivers had the least difficulty in raising his quota, even obtaining supernumeries to send to Quebec.

The French Canadians, under French rule, arbitrarily called out to serve, could not understand that they were asked to volunteer, money being offered as a bounty. They formed their own fancies concerning the demand, and concluded that it was an engagement for life. Some people in the cities out of work at once joined the ranks; but in the country parishes there was a stolid disinclination to accept the bounty. The curés appear to have intervened to explain the principle of enlistment. As it was understood that it was for the war only, and there was every prospect of a peaceful campaign, volunteers more readily came forward. By the end of April the number was complete. It is placed on record that the company furnished by Three Rivers was superior in physique to those elsewhere obtained. The contingent behaved well during the campaign and proved useful, although it will be seen that there was no exacting service to be performed. It is proper to remark, for the contrary has been affirmed, that on the return of the expedition, the men were discharged, and arrived at their parishes quite satisfied with the treatment they received. Murray allowed them some days to reach their homes, to which they went quite contented. †

By a letter from Murray to Haldimand. Quebec, 2nd April, it would appear that impressment was resorted to, but not in any great degree. A week later, hearing that Haldimand had.completed his company, Murray writes that he will be glad of his men to replace those pressed. [Can. Arch., B. 6, p. 140.]

"Ces bons gens qui n'avaient reçu traittement pareil sont très contents et souhaittent qu'on aye besoin de leurs services l'année prochaine." Haldimand, to Gage, 25th December, 1764. [Can. Arch., B, 2.2, p. 60.]

The pay given to a major was three dollars a day, to a captain two, to a lieutenant one, to a sergeant twenty cents, corporal thirteen, private ten. There were two lieutenants to each company; no ensign. The men received $12.00

1764]

BRADSTREET'S INSTRUCTIONS.

77

Bradstreet had been instructed, that previous to starting he should clear away the woods on each side of the portage road from Niagara, so that troops could not be surprised on the march. In the first instance he was to attack and inflict chastisement upon the Wyandots, of Sandusky. This tribe was prominently among the most inimical, and those belonging to it were the more objectionable, as they planted a great supply of corn which they furnished to the other nations. He was afterwards to surprise the Shawanees and Delawares on the Muskingum and Scioto, either by following Cayahoga creek running into lake Erie between Presqu'île and Sandusky, or by Sandusky river. Should the Ottawas at Detroit be found hostile, every means should be taken to destroy them. He was to place the fort at Detroit in repair, to discover the channel through lake Saint Claire into lake Huron instructions which show that even at that date the Saint Claire flats were troublesome. He was to re-establish the garrison at Michillimackinac, with one hundred men of the 17th; and constantly act upon the policy of making it well understood that the desire was only to chastise the Indian tribes who were hostile, and on the other hand to protect those that were friendly.

Bradstreet's behaviour in this campaign has been severely arraigned, with what justice can be determined as the narrative of his conduct is perused. It is therefore proper to mention that a certain latitude was given to him to act according to his judgment, and to be guided by circum

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bounty. Murray to Haldimand, Quebec, 11th March, 1764. [Can. Arch., B., 6, p. 136.] The officers of the Three Rivers company were de Montizambert, captain; de Richeville, lieutenant; Smith, ensign. I cannot find the names to the other companies.

* Gage in a letter to Halifax, 12th May 1764, [Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 121.1, p. 262] thus describes the powers conferred on Bradstreet in any case of emergency. "These services have been pointed out to Colonel Bradstreet, but as the face of affairs may change and accidents happen which its [sic] not possible to foresee; and as He will be at so great a distance to receive any orders, its left with Him in such circumstances to determine thereon according to his judgment, and to conduct himself in every particular in the manner he shall judge the most advantageous for his Majesty's service."

Bradstreet, in the first instance, had been a provincial officer of some reputation, and afterwards received a commission in the Royal Americans, the 60th. He had shewn courage in the defeat of de Villiers on the Oswego river in 1756. He was present with Abercrombie at Ticonderoga two years later, and in the same year had shewn energy and conduct in taking fort Frontenac [Cataraqui].* The events in this campaign in no way added to his reputation. He acted with a singular want of judgment and apparently to satisfy his vanity. His perversity narrowly escaped causing serious injury, and it is not easy to explain that with his previous record he should have disregarded, not simply ordinary prudence, but the rules of the service which from his own position, he was interested in maintaining.

The second column was organized at fort Pitt under Bouquet, to advance westward into the territory of the Ohio, where the opposition to possession being taken of the Illinois found its greatest strength. The Shawanees and Delawares, here in great numbers, remained actively hostile. During the winter their deputies had proceeded to fort Chartres and had applied for ammunition and supplies. The demand was officially refused by the commandant; but as all they required was obtained lower down the river at Kaskaskia, it is out of all belief, that such could have been the case had the commandant been in earnest in his refusal. It was reported that the New Orleans traders were to send further supplies, and were busy in exciting the Indians of the Wabash and Miami to oppose every attempt of proceeding to the upper Mississippi. To-day it is plain, as it was then considered, that such a league was impossible without the encouragement and aid of the French. The object of Bouquet's march was to place

* Ante, vol. III., p. 559; IV., p. 167: p. 183.

+ Gage thus described the commandant at fort Chartres [Can. Arch. A. & W. I., 121.1, p. 308]: "Some suspicions have arisen of Mon1. de Neyon's sincerity from the supply of ammunition which the enemy Indians have drawn from the Illinois, when greatly reduced in that article but we can't openly lay it to his charge as he publicly refused them supply. I beg leave to remark from the Tenor of this Gentleman's Letters to Mon'. d'Abbadie, that he is greatly prejudiced in

1764]

INDIAN CONGRESS AT NIAGARA.

79

in subjection these hostile tribes and to effect a passage by the Ohio of a detachment to fort Chartres.

Previous to the departure of Bradstreet's expedition, Johnson arrived at Niagara on the 8th of July for the purpose of entering into a treaty of amity with the different tribes. The majority of them had not taken part in the attacks of the previous years, and the meeting may be described as one where the ancient feeling of amity was to be renewed.*

The principal tribe was that of the Hurons. They engaged not to disturb the peace or conceal the design of others who had resolved so to act; to give up all prisoners and to use their endeavour to obtain such as were in the hands of neighbouring nations; not to harbour deserters or fugitives; not to maintain friendship with the king's enemies, but to oppose their designs; not to listen to the idle stories of white men who spread false reports. They acknowledged the king's right to the land on both sides of the river Detroit, and on lake Saint Claire, to the extent it was claimed by the French. They agreed to punish such of their warriors as the commandant of Detroit might ask at their hands. On these conditions all hostility should cease on the part of the king, and their past offences be forgotten.

A second treaty was passed on the 6th of August with the Chenussios and other Senecas. After declaring that absolute peace should prevail, they agreed on the part of the Delawares of the Susquehanna to deliver up "the Delaware king," their chief warrior and all prisoners; and that after the surrender a treaty should be made with the Delawares themselves. The Chenussios likewise undertook to deliver up a deserter whose

Favor of the Savages and relates many things as Facts which can't possibly be true: Receiving every idle Report of the Indians to our Discredit as so many Authentic Accounts."

Johnson describes the total number as 2,060, of which 1,700 were fightingmen, a greater number than had ever assembled on a like occasion. Deputies had been sent by the Hurons, Ottawas, Chippewas, Menomonies, Folles-avoines, Foxes, Sakis, Puans, with the Indians of Lake Superior, some even from Hudson's Bay. Johnson to the lords of trade, 30th August, 1764. [N. Y. Doc., VII., p. 648.]

name is preserved, Sherlock, and all prisoners held by them. They ratified the grant of four miles on each side of the river Niagara, from the fort running north to the rapids of lake Erie. The islands between the great falls and the rapids they personally granted to sir William Johnson." The Chenussios who became parties to this treaty had in the first instance declined to be present. They were consequently threatened that their absence would be construed into an act of hostility, and that their lands would be ravaged; they accordingly attended, with the result I have described. Johnson in a letter on the subject explained that he could not decline the offer made to him of this present, without the Indians considering the refusal as an insult; he had, therefore, accepted the islands. They consisted of about 15,000 acres with large grass meadows, absolutely necessary for the oxen and horses to be employed in the service, there being no such cleared land near the fort; he therefore made an humble offer of them to the king. The Shawanees and Delawares did not appear; they sent an insolent letter, which they had forced a prisoner to write. Pontiac with the Miamis did not attend. He was, however, represented by a messeng er expressing his desire for peace. Johnson formed the view that it was apprehension for his own safety and those with him, which prevented his attendance at the congress. The Pottawatamies failed also to be present for the same motive.

Johnson wrote to the lords of trade concerning this meeting, that the Indians having their homes at a distance from settlement were so jealous of the British, and so sensitive of being denied favours to which they were accustomed, that they would not consider the peace binding, unless followed by periodical gifts to assure their observance of it. They were all desirous for the trade to recommence. Johnson promised it should be re-established when the inimical tribes. had been brought to reason, for if they could not obtain trade they would certainly plunder. The people in the provinces. were likewise anxious to engage in these operations, thousands * Johnson to Halifax, 30th August, 1764. [N.Y. Doc., VII., p. 647.]

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