New York, it received the signatures of all the members present as the unanimous "Declaration' of the thirteen United States of America.

And a joyful shout went up from all the land from inland hamlet and sea-side town; from work shop and field, where fathers could hencefort eat their bread cheerfully, even in the sweat of their brows, for they knew that their childre would inherit the fruit of their labors, and receive and transmit unimpaired the precious birthright of freedom. The solemn words were read at the head of the army drawn out in full array, and wel comed by waving of banners and booming of can non. They were read from the pulpit while heads were bowed reverently in prayer, and hearts glowed as at a visible manifestation of the will of God They crossed the ocean, waking strange fears in palaces, whispering soothing hopes in hovels, tell ing the poor and oppressed and down-trodden of every land that an asylum had been opened for them in fertile regions beyond the ocean, where industry was unfettered and thought was uncontrolled.

And still, as we look back to that auspicious day, we bless God that he imparted to our fathers so large a measure of his own wisdom; that he breathed into their councils such a spirit of calm resolute, and hopeful zeal; that he put into their mouths words of such comprehensive truth that through all time, as each successive generation

draws nearer to the law of universal brotherhood, it will but develop more fully the principle by which these United States first took their place among the nations,-"that all men are equally entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."

LECTURE IV.

CONGRESS AND THE STATE GOVERNMENTS OF THE REVOLUTION.

W

E have seen that in the history of our country Congress and Union have always gone hand in hand together. We have seen that the Congress of 1690 was convened in order to give a common direction to the energies of the Northern Colonies in an attack upon Canada; that the Albany Congress of 1754 came together with the wish for a more lasting union upon its lips; that the New York Congress of 1765 built its hopes of redress upon the common sense of wrong as expressed in a common remonstrance and appeal; that the Congress of 1774 assumed openly the title of Continental Congress, and spoke as with authority in the name of all the Colonies. We have seen this deliberative body coming directly from the people and with no recognized place in the Constitution, acting in all things in harmony with public sentiment, and assuming, in 1775, executive, legislative, and sometimes even judicial authority, organizing a government and declar

ing independence. This evening I shall return briefly to the Congress, and endeavor to complete our view of the elements of the civil government of the Revolution by a sketch of the characteristic features of the State governments.

Congress had now accomplished one part of its task, and with a calmness, judgment, and wisdom that confirmed men in their persuasion of its capacity to deal with these delicate questions and bear these grave responsibilities. To the world, too, there was an appearance of unanimity in its counsels which added materially to its authority; for it still deliberated with closed doors, and, publishing its acts, passed silently over its discussions. It was known, however, even then, that there were differences of opinion among its members, though few out of Congress knew their nature or their

extent.

Shall we, at this distant day, seek to remove the veil and lay bare the dissensions and personal jealousies which disturbed, although they did not destroy its harmony of resolve, — retarded, although they did not prevent its harmony of action? It seems an invidious and ungrateful task to tell how John Dickinson gave John Adams the cut direct in the streets of Philadelphia; how, one day, as several members were walking together in the lobby, Jay took Richard Henry Lee by the button, and, drawing him towards Jefferson, made him declare he had never denied that Jay wrote the

address to the people of England; how Samuel Adams-for though chronologically it comes two years later, yet it belongs in spirit full as much to this as to any other period-how then Samuel Adams turned short upon poor Duponceau, who had addressed him as John Adams, and said, "I would have you to know, sir, that there is a great difference between Samuel Adams and John Adams." Such things are sad, very sad; and it is far pleasanter to think of the author of the "Farmer's Letters" as grasping cordially the hand of the author of "Novanglus" wherever he met him, and the eloquent Lee as rejoicing with a brother's joy in the eloquence of Jay.

But these things are history; stern, impartial, truth-loving history; and it is a wilful rejecting of the most instructive of her lessons arbitrarily to blot the page which reminds us that even the greatest and wisest of men are not altogether exempt from the weaknesses of humanity. I would not dwell upon such things, for they sadden and mortify me. But when I look upon the men of my own day, and hear and read what is said of their errors and weaknesses, I find it a gentle persuasive to charity to remember that weakness and greatness have so often dwelt side by side in the noblest intellects and truest hearts.

Fortunately there was no Horace Walpole in our Congress to distort the picture by bestowing all his finest touches and richest tints upon the