mittee of the States.' The powers of this plural executive, were to embrace all the executive functions of Congress, which should not be specially reserved, but none of the legislative; the concurrence of nine members should be required to determine all questions, except that of adjournment from day to day; they should keep a journal of their proceedings to be laid before Congress, whom they should also be empowered to assemble, on any occurrence during the recess in which the peace or happiness of the United States might be involved.

The proposition was adopted, and a committee of the States appointed. On the adjournment of Congress, in June following, they entered upon their duties, but in the course of two months, quarrelled among themselves, divided into two parties, abandoned their post, and left the government without any visible head until the next meeting of Congress. The scheme was found to be an impracticable one, though it was the best within the authority of Congress at that time to adopt. And on the whole, it was a happy circumstance for our republic, that the theory proved as impracticable as it did; for it developed, in a clear light, the palpable defect of the confederation, in not having provided for a separation of the legislative, executive, and judiciary functions; and this defect, together with the want of adequate powers in the general government to collect their contributions and to regulate commerce, was the great cause which led to the formation and adoption of our present constitution.

Mr Jefferson has left a brief reminiscence of his sentiments, and of an amusing interview with Dr Franklin, on learning the sudden rupture and dispersion of the new executive chiefs.

We have since seen the same thing take place, in the directory of France; and I believe it will forever take place in any executive consisting of a plurality. Our plan, I believe, best, combines wisdom and practicability, by

providing a plurality of councillors, but a single arbiter for ultimate decision. I was in France when we heard of this schism and separation of our committee, and, speaking with Dr Franklin of this singular disposition of men to quarrel, and divide into parties, he gave his sentiments, as usual, by way of apologue. He mentioned the Eddystone light-house, in the British channel, ás being built on a rock, in the mid-channel, totally inaccessible in winter, from the boisterous character of that sea, in that season; that, therefore, for the two keepers employed to keep up the lights, all provisions for the winter were necessarily carried to them in autumn, as they could never be visited again till the return of the milder season; that, on the first practicable day in the spring, a boat put off to them with fresh supplies. The boatmen met at the door one of the keepers, and accosted him with a "How goes it, friend?" "Very well." "How is your companion ?" "I do not know." know ?" "Is not he here ?" "I can't tell." not you seen him to-day ?" "No." "When did you see him?" "Not since last fall." "You have killed him ?" "Not I, indeed." They were about to lay hold of him, as having certainly murdered his companion; but he desired them to go up stairs and examine for themselves. They went up, and there found the other keepThey had quarrelled, it seems, soon after being left there, had divided into two parties, assigned the cares below to one, and those above to the other, and had never spoken to, or seen, one another since.'

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While in Congress, at Annapolis, Mr Jefferson received an urgent letter from General Washington, requesting his opinions on the institution of the Cincinnati, and on the conduct most proper for him to pursue in relation to it. The origin of this institution was perfectly innocent; but its anti-republican organization and tendency soon excited a heavy solicitude in the breasts of the more sensitive guardians of liberty, which at length broke forth in accents of loud and extensive disapprobation. The idea of this society was suggested by General Knox, and finally matured into a regular association of all the

officers of the American army, to continue during their lives, and those of their eldest male posterity, or in failure thereof, any collateral branches who might be judged worthy admission, with power to incorporate, as honorary members for life, individuals of the respective States, distinguished for their patriotism and abilities. The laws of the association farther provided for periodical meetings, general and particular, fixed contributions for such of the members as might be in distress, and a badge to be worn by them, and presented by a special envoy, to the French officers who had served in the United States, who were to be invited to consider themselves as belonging to the society; at the head of which the commander in chief was unanimously designated to take his place.

General Washington saw with pain the uneasiness of the public mind under this institution, and appealed to Mr Jefferson for his advice on the most eligible measures to be pursued at the next meeting. The answer of Mr Jefferson, as it probably decided the future destinies of this famous institution, is worthy of being preserved. It is dated Annapolis, April 16, 1784.

'I received your favor of April the 8th, by Colonel Harrison. The subject of it is interesting, and, so far as you have stood connected with it, has been matter of anxiety to me; because, whatever may be the ultimate fate of the institution of the Cincinnati, as, in its course, it draws to it some degree of disapprobation, I have wished to see you standing on ground separated from it, that the character which will be handed to future ages, of the head of our revolution, may, in no instance, be compromitted in subordinate altercations. The subject has been at the point of my pen in every letter I have written to you, but has been still restrained by the reflection that you had among your friends more able counsellors, and, in yourself, one abler than them all. Your letter has now rendered a duty what was before a desire, and I cannot better merit your confidence than by a full

and free communication of facts and sentiments, as far as they have come within my observation. When the army was about to be disbanded, and the officers to take final leave, perhaps never again to meet, it was natural for men who had accompanied each other through so many scenes of hardship, of difficulty and danger, who, in a variety of instances, must have been rendered mutually dear by those aids and good offices, to which their situations had given occasion, it was natural, I say, for these to seize with fondness any proposition which promised to bring them together again, at certain and regular periods. And this, I take for granted, was the origin and object of this institution: and I have no suspicion that they foresaw, much less intended, those mischiefs which exist perhaps in the forebodings of politicians only. I doubt, however, whether in its execution, it would be found to answer the wishes of those who framed it, and to foster those friendships it was intended to preserve: The members would be brought together at their annual assemblies no longer to encounter a common enemy, but to encounter one another in debate and sentiment. For something, I suppose, is to be done at these meetings, and, however unimportant, it will suffice to produce difference of opinion, contradiction, and irritation. The way to make friends quarrel is to put them in disputation under the públic eye. An experience of near twenty years has taught me, that few friendships stand this test, and that public assemblies where every one is free to act and speak, are the most powerful looseners of the bands of private friendship. I think, therefore, that this institution would fail in its principal object, the perpetuation of the personal friendships contracted through the war.

The objections of those who are opposed to the institution shall be briefly sketched. You will readily fill them up. They urge that it is against the confederation against the letter of some of our constitutions against the spirit of all of them; that the foundation on which all these are built, is the natural equality of man, the denial of every pre-eminence but that annexed to legal office, and, particularly, the denial of a preeminence by birth; that however, in their present dis

positions, citizens might decline accepting honorary instalments into the order; but a time may come, when a change of dispositions would render these flattering, when a well directed distribution of them might draw into the order all the men of talents, of office, and wealth; and in this case, would probably procure an ingraftment into the government; that in this, they will be supported by their foreign members, and the wishes and influence of foreign courts; that experience has shown that the hereditary branches of modern governments are the patrons of privilege and prerogative, and not of the natural rights of the people, whose oppressors they generally are: that besides these evils, which are remote, others may take place more immediately; that a distinction is kept up between the civil and military, which it is for the happiness of both to obliterate; that when the members assemble they will be proposing to do something, and what that something may be, will depend on actual circumstances; that being an organized body, under habits of subordination, the first obstruction to enterprise will be already surmounted; that the moderation and virtue of a single character have probably prevented this revolution from being closed as most others have been, by a subversion of that liberty it was intended to establish; that he is not immortal, and his successor, or some of his successors, may be led by false calculations into a less certain road to glory.

This, Sir, is as faithful an account of sentiments and facts as I am able to give you. You know the extent of the circle within which my observations are at present circumscribed, and can estimate how far, as forming a part of the general opinion, it may merit notice, or ought to influence your particular conduct.

It now remains to pay obedience to that part of your letter which requests sentiments on the most eligible measures to be pursued by the society, at their next meeting. I must be far from pretending to be a judge of what would, in fact, be the most eligible measures for the society. I can only give you the opinions of those with whom I have conversed, and who, as I have before observed, are unfriendly to it. They lead to these conclusions. 1. If the society proceed according to its