BOOK pilgrimages and crusades, so reprobated by those VI. who have contemplated them superficially, brought LITERARY the European mind to a full acquaintance with the Arabian attainments; and men arose fast, in every country, emulous to learn, and benevolently assiduous to impart them. HISTORYOF ENGLAND. Other Arabic. In the next century we find Hermannus Dalmatus students of studying astronomy among the Mohamedans on the Ebro and at Leon.80 Peter, the abbot of Clugny, went into Spain, to study the Arab learning; and he shews his proficiency by his translation of the Arabian Life of Mohamed, and procuring an Englishman to translate the Koran, which he addressed to the celebrated Bernard of Clairvaux.81 Gerard of Cremona is another name which deserves our gratitude and celebrity, for the many important Arabian works, which, by his Latin versions, he made the property of Europe.62 82 England had its full share in producing these literary enthusiasts, to whom our intellectual eminence 1507. Some years ago (in 1811) in the library of Monte Cassino, was 80 The letter of Peter of Clugny to Bernard, mentions this Arabic scho- of 82 The translation of Alhazen de Crepusculis, is by him. p. 283.-He died 1187, æt. 73. F. Pipinus says of him, that, led by his love of knowlege, he went to Toledo, and seeing the Arabic books, and the penury the Latins on such subjects, he learnt the Arabian language. There are seventy-six books of his translation, among which are Avicenna, and Ptolemy's Almagest. There is also his commentary on the Theoricum Planetarum. Murat. Ant. Ital. p. 936. 1 IX. DUCTION OF THE is so deeply indebted. The translation of the Koran, CHAP. noticed above, was the production of ROBERT RETENENSIS, an Englishman, who went to Spain, and was INTROfound, by the abbot of Clugny, on the Ebro, studying astronomy with Hermannus.83 He became archdeacon ARABIAN of Pampeluna, He translated also an Arabian Chronicle.84 The abbot of Clugny rewarded him liberally students. for his labors.85 SCIENCES. English Arabian Another Englishman, distinguished for his Arabian Athelard's studies, was Athelard of Bath, whose work still re- treatise. mains in our public libraries, and has been printed.86 He says, in his philosophical dialogue with his nephew, that he left England for the sake of study, and returned to it in the reign of Henry I. His anxiety to learn the moral and political state of his native country, was suppressed by the unfavorable representation which he received of its vices. He told his nephew, that it was wise to forget what they could not remedy; and he is desired to state some results of his new Arabian studies. 87 83 Peter of Clugny says of Robert and Herman, quos in Hispania circa Hiberam, astrologicæ artis studentes, inveni.'-He calls him Robertus Retenensis de Anglia qui nunc Papilonensis ecclesiæ archidiaconus est.' Ep. 84 It is in the Bodleian library, Seld. Sup. 81. The translation of Alkindus is by another Robert, an Englishman, who lived in 1272. Cod. MSS. Ashm. 6677. 85 Eosque ad hæc faciendum multo precio conduxi. Pet. Ep. Robert addresses his translation of the Koran to Peter, and ends his dedication thus, Illustrissimo que Viro P. C. abbate precipiente, suus Angligena Robertus Retenensis librum istum transtulit, A. D. 1143.' * Athelard's Dialogue on questiones naturales perdifficiles, is in the Cotton Lib. MS. Galba, E 4. I have two printed copies, which some former owner has marked-sine anno-duæ editiones antiquæ, Collat. et complet.-and says, 'supposed by De Bure to be printed at Louvan, by J. de Westphalia, about 1474.' 87Unica enim malorum irrefragabilium medicina est oblivio.' Athel The evils he deplored were violentes principes; vinolentes presules; mercenarios judices; patronos inconstantes; privatos adulatores; mendaces promissores; invidiosos amicos; ambitiosos fere omnes. Athel. BOOK . VI. HISTORY OF 89 of He reminds his nephew, that, seven years before, he had left him pursuing his Gallic, by which we may LITERARY presume is meant Norman, studies, while Athelard himself went to explore the Saracen philosophy. A short exordium leads him to confer on many those points of natural knowlege which he had studied in Spain. We may smile at some of the questions on which he took the trouble of enlightening his nephew, as-why herbs do not grow from water, air, and fire, as well as from earth; why men have not horns like other animals; why we go erect; why we do not walk as soon as we are born; why our fingers are unequal, and our hand hollow; why we are nourished by milk; why the nose is placed over thè mouth; whether the stars are animated, and if so, do they eat. But some of his other topics, as-the nature of the senses, the nerves and veins-the cause of earthquakes, of eclipses, and of the tides;-why the sea is salt; why the rivers do not increase it; the origin of the winds, thunder, and lightning; how the earth is sustained in air-whether brutes have souls -why joy should cause weeping; why men of genius should want memory, and those of memory, genius; and why the seat of fancy, reason, and remembrance, should be in the brain. These inquiries were the first beams of awakening curiosity after natural knowlege; and Athelard, with all the deficiencies and absurdities of his little treatise, must be looked on as the father of natural philosophy in England. He was the first herald of its approach. His books are the earliest records we have of the discus 68 Meministi, nepos, septennio jam transacto, cum te in gallicis studiis pene puerum juxta laudatissimum, &c. Athel. 89 Ut Arabum studia pro posse meo scrutarer. Athel. IX. DUCTION OF THE SCIENCES. sion of such subjects in this country." Tho not abun- CHAP. dantly wise in all his opinions and inquiries, yet he discusses his topics with the air of a man who feels INTROthat he has burst from the swathing-bands of authority. He talks boldly of the privileges and utility of ARABIAN reason, and contemptuously of those who submit to slumber in a bestial credulity; a language which announces the beneficial effect of the Arabian conquests on the intellect of Europe. But, aware of the personal danger of such freedom, he guards himself, by reminding his nephew, that his opinions must be considered as those of the Arabians, and that he is pleading their cause, and not his own. The absurdity of some of his topics, and the weakness of some of his reasoning, were, perhaps, better adapted to tempt the absolute ignorance of the European mind, in its first rude state, to the cultivation of natural knowlege, than wiser tuition. A Newton would be the worst possible preceptor to a Laplander. There would be no point of contact between them. But a mixture of nurse-tales and philosophy, all believed to be grave and important knowlege, would fasten on the apprehension, and please the taste of an uncultivated mind, far better than pure reason and science, which can only be attained by slow and painful progress. The book of Athelard may have first kindled the curiosity of many subsequent inquirers, and cannot have been contemptible or useless to his contemporaries, since in the fifteenth century, in the infancy of the typographical art, it was thought worthy to be printed twice, above four hundred years after his death. Athelard's 90 As he begins it with saying, Cum in Angliam nuper redierim, Henrico Guillermi anglis imperante,' it must have been written before 1135, when Henry I. died. VI. BOOK translations of Euclid, and some astronomical works from the Arabic into Latin, are in the public libraries LITERARY at Oxford.o1 HISTORY OF Arabian studies 92 94 The next person, after Athelard, in England, whose name has survived to us for having attended to the subject of natural philosophy, is William de Conchis, pursued in about 1140; he wrote his "Philosophia on natural England. Questions," and also a dialogue with Henry II. intitled, "De Cœlo." 93 In 1185, we had a student in London capable of translating from the Arabic, the book of Ptolemy on the Astrolabe; 9* and about 1190, Daniel Morley, after studying at Paris, went to Arabian Spain to learn the mathematical sciences, and studied at Toledo. He composed two books on the upper and lower parts of the world, and others on the mathematics.96 Sometime afterwards appeared our Michael Scot, the wizard of our northern ballads, and of the elegant Lay of the last Minstrel." The exertions of these active-minded men, and of similar adventurers, quickly introduced Arabian learn 95 91 His other MSS. now remaining are, de Philosophia Danielis,' in Oriel College, Ox. N° 859; his translation of Euclid from the Arabic, in Coll. S. Trin. at Oxford, N° 1967; his Isagoge of Japhar on Astronomy, taken from the Arabic, in the Bodleian library, N° 1669; his translation of Euclid's Elements, in fifteen books, from the Arabic, No 3359. 3623; the Tables of El Kauresmi, from the Arabic, No 4137. 92 This exists still in MS. in the Bodl. Library, Dig. N° 1705; and C. C. C. Ox. 1562, where he is called 'alias Shelly.' 93 The MS. of this work was in the Florence library, and is mentioned in its catalogue, v. 2. p. 63. 94 I learn this fact from the catalogue of the Bodleian library, which, among the MSS. Digby, has this article, N° 1641. Ptolemæi liber de compositione Astrolabii, translatus de Arabico in Latinum, Æra 1185, in civit. London.' Cat. MSS. Angl. p. 78. 95 These Works, intitled, 'de inferiori, and de superiori parte mundi,' are in MS. in the library C. C. C. Oxford, No 1562. He there remarks, When I lately went from England for the sake of study.' 96 De Principiis Mathematicis.' Tanner Bib. 532. 97 He was patronized by the emperor Fred. II. Muratori mentions, that in the Ambrosian library at Milan, was a treatise he wrote at the emperor's request. Ant. It. p. 945. |