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tion-Attention of the new ministry to IrelandLord Howick's notice of the mutiny bill—Its objects and wise provisions-Grant to Maynooth college discussed-After another debate on the subject the resolution passed-Debate on lord Howick's bill for relief to the catholics and other dissenters--The subject resumed and deferredConduct of Ministers-His majesty's decided objections to the new provisions in the billAbandonment of the measure and resignation of ministers--Laudable disappointment of the catholics -Duke of Richmond lord-lieutenant-Wise resolution of the catholics-Motion on the Irish insurrection bill-The house goes into a committee on it --Sir J. Newport's amendment negatived--Objec tions by Sir S. Romilly, Mr. Laing, and Mr. Grattan-Over-ruled by the solicitor general and a majority of the house-Clauses, proposed by Sir J. Newport and lord Howick, agreed to-Mr. Sheridan's motion on the state of Ireland--opposed by Mr. Perceval--Mr. Grattan's remarks negatived-Alarming clap of thunder in Dublin Return of his majesty's mental disorder--The Prince of Wales appointed Regent of the united kingdom under restrictions.

On the 21st of November, earl of Powis was appointed lord lieutenant; but in consequence of Mr. Pitt's illness, which terminated in his death, on the 23d of January, 1806, and occasioned a new administration, the duke of Bedford went as lord lieutenan to Ireland, and Mr. Elliot accompanied him as chief secretary. Mr. George Ponsonby was appointed chancellor and keeper of the seals in Ireland, and sir John Newport, chancellor of the Irish exchequer.

The attention of the new ministers was very naturally directed to the production of national unanimity and harmony: they knew that by concessions,

which expediency no longer existed for withholding, they should suppress the murmurs of discontent and convert the lethargy of indifference into the activity of willing service, and thus procure a reinforcement of strength equal to all the pressure of the crisis. They knew that the vigorous hand will ever follow the conciliated heart, and that all the compulsory conscriptions of usurpation are infinitely inferior to those voluntary exertions, which originate in the gratitude and happiness of a free people. The situatition of Ireland, in this point of view, was the principal object of regard. Indeed not only general policy but particular profession and engagement appeared strongly to call upon ministers to direct their attention to this part of the empire, as during a course of long and active opposition they had eloquently advocated the claims of the great proportion of its inhabitants, and, whether in a season of peace or war, had urged them with ardor. Consistency, therefore, appeared to require that something should be attempted by them on this subject upon their attainment of power. Accordingly, on the 20th of February, lord Howick gave notice of the mutiny bill, the reading of which was postponed to the 5th of March, without having for its object what was then called the emancipation of the catholics. This bill was adapted to give them great relief and satisfaction. An act had been passed, in 1793, by the Irish parliament, by which the catholics of Ireland had been enabled to hold any rank in the army except that of commander in chief of the forces, master general of the ordnance, or general on the staff. No similar act had been passed by the British parliament; the consequence of which was that if any circumstances demanded the presence of an Irish regiment in Great Britain, its officers would be disqualified by law from remaining in the service, and must, therefore, either subject themselves, on continuing in it, to certain consequent penalties, or must relinquish a

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profession to which they had been educated, and to which alone they could look for respectable subsistence and family entablishments. It had been dis tinctly promised at the time of passing the Irish mutiny act that this inconsistency should be corrected without delay. This pledge, however, on the part of the government of the day, had not been redeemed. It was an object of the present bill to do away so absurd an incongruity in the law. It was intended, moreover, by the measure now proposed, to permit persons of every religion to serve in the navy as well as in the army. This had been indeed a stated object of the measure pledged to be intro duced into the British parliament to follow up the Irish act above-mentioned; nor does it appear that any reasonable objection to this permission could exist, which would not also apply to the army; both departments of the war establishment of the country seeming, with respect to danger or advantage, on this question, to be on a precisely similar footing. Besides this extension to the navy which the bill contemplated, the restrictions which had been introduced into the Irish act with regard to generals on the staff, master general of the ordnance, and commander in chief of the forces, were to be removed, as of no advantage, and operating very seriously to inconvenience and injury. By placing impediments in the career of merit, and precluding the possibility of advance beyond a certain extent of promotion, even after a course of the most faithful and distinguished services, they checked that ambition which must ever be the companion of valor, and reduced to discouragement and despondence, those who deserved all the animation of hope, and all the rewards of glory, The bill, moreover, provided for the free and unrestrained exercise of their religion by the catholics, who should enter into his majesty's service, so far as this should not interfere with military duties; and all the privileges or rights, which it afforded to catholies, were to be extended to other classes of dissenters..