There is a nakedness in this assertion which detects itself. It is not dangerous to Government. On the contrary, an unlicensed Press is the guardian of Freedom and of the Constitution. I appeal to the opinions of Legislators, to the page of History, to the experience of ages. It will not avail them to adduce the continual dissatisfaction of the People with the servants of Government, as a proof of the evil tendency of unlicensed Printing: this, indeed, is the only security of the State. The British Government, established with wonderful judgment on the basis of two opposing systems, the Republican and the Monarchical, must always derive the security of its existence from an equal exertion of these powers for the good of the whole. There is an equality, a precision, a watchfulness, which must be preserved between them, on which the public safety entirely depends. They must be always jealous of each other, or they are undone. Hence it is, that they live in continual opposition; hence, that civil dissention is the faithful guardian of civil Liberty; hence, that the Constitution of Britain, like the boisterous element that surrounds the Isle, must live in tempest, or not live at all. But the kingly branch of the State, having all the

executive power in their own hands, have the most frequent, the most easy opportunities of encroaching on the Republican; which they in their turn must check. Now, how is this to be done? The former, commodiously seated within the circumference of a single room, whether in Council or in Cabinet, can consult in a firm and undivided body how to extend the interests of Tyranny, or to do the business of Corruption but the case is otherwise with the People.-Dispersed over all the kingdom, as their property or their interest leads them; and separated from consulting each other by unsurmountable obstacles, when a blow is aimed at their Laws, or an insult at their Liberties, what means of information or redress have they? None, but the PRESS. This, and this only, is the bright star of the People. This is the great national trumpet, which rouzes the kingdom from end to end, from side to side. This is the mighty thunderbolt of the People, which hurls its fury on a Minister's head, or can make a guilty throne tremble to the centre. But I am imprudent in my zeal. While I am writing the panegyric of the Free Press, I am in fact reciting those advantages which make it obnoxious to its enemies.

When the public interest is betrayed by crafty

or wicked men, the Press can and ought to sound the alarm, and point out to the People their danger: but this Liberty can never operate against Government, so as to produce any violent effects, without very violent causes. A great and admired Philosopher, whose opinion is always respectable when he does not treat of Religion, speaks here to the purpose. "This Liberty of the Press," says he," is attended with so few inconveniencies, that "it may be claimed as the common Right of Man

kind, and ought to be indulged them in almost "every Government. We need not dread from "this Liberty any such ill consequences as fol"lowed from the harangues of the popular Dema"gogues of Athens and Tribunes of Rome A "man reads a Book or Pamphlet alone and coolly.

There is none present from whom he can catch "the passion by contagion. He is not hurried "away by the force and energy of action; and "should he be wrought up to ever so seditious

a humour, there is no violent resolution pre"sented to him by which he can immediatly vent "his passion. The Liberty of the Press, therefore, "however abused, can scarce ever excite popular "tumults or rebellion. And as to those murmurs. "or secret discontents it may occasion, it is better

they should get vent in words, that they may "come to the knowledge of the Magistrate before "it be too late, in order to his providing a remedy

against them. Mankind, it is true, have always "a greater propension to believe what is said to "the disadvantage of their Governors, than the contrary but this inclination is inseparable from "them, whether they have Liberty or not. A

whisper may fly as quick, and be as pernicious "as a Pamphlet: nay it will be more pernicious, "where men are not accustomed to think freely, "or distinguish between Truth and Falshood*."

But, thirdly, the great hinge on which these Reformers of the Press turn their favourite scheme is, "the publication of Scandal." If by the suppression of Scandal they mean the suppression of Satire, whether pointed at private or public vices, they are aiming at a point which they never will, never can effect. If there are culprits in morality, there will be correctors too: and while Wit can brandish his pen, or Satire her lash, let Folly expect no quarter.

But here the point they aim at is impracticable. Supposing that they lock up the babbling tongue * Hume's Essays, Vol. I. p. 13, Svo. edit.

of the Press, can they lock up the tongues of individuals? Satire, confined in the narrow chan nel of private ridicule, cuts through every thing in its course; and, like the pestilential air pent up in close recesses, will rage with collected force, and burst with a louder explosion. How ineffectual the most rigorous Licensing, in the most despotic States, is to stop the tongue of Scandal, let Pasquin and Marforio witness at Rome; and let the lampoons of Versailles, and the epigrams of Paris, bear testimony in France. How much less equal

then to this task would be the boasted reformation in Britain, where Freedom of Speech is deemed the brightest jewel in the Constitution; and where every man is accustomed to speak what he thinks, and to think what he pleases!—Ridiculous policy! When Folly plays her anticks in a grave masque, the scene is doubly laughable.

I do not indeed deny, that Defamation is often, very often, ill-directed, and then always becomes a real grievance. I am no advocate for the satire that wounds the virtuous, the helpless, or the innocent. I know, too, with how much tenderness, respect, and even veneration, characters of exalted trust both in Church and State ought to be treated: