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to "the force France was capable of bringing to bear upon them. They were reminded, that the FATE of VENICE was one which might befall the United States. "Perhaps," it was said, "you believe that in returning and exposing to your countrymen the unreasonableness of the demands of this government, you will unite them in their resistance to those demands. You are mistaken-You ought to know that the diplomatic skill of France, and the means she possesses in your country, are sufficient to enable her, with THE FRENCH PARTY IN AMERICA, to throw the blame which will attend the rupture on the Federalists, as you term yourselves, but on the British party, as France terms you, and you may assure yourselves this will be done." * Threats of ravaging the American coasts followed!

That such things were permitted to be repeated, fills a dark page in the history of this country. Yet two of these Envoys were men of the highest tone of feeling. Pinckney and Marshall-wise men and patriots-men whose lives were all a course of honorable distinction. What must have been their conviction of the state of public opinion at home, thus to compel them to brook such gross indignities to their country?

The disclosure of these aggravated insults—the manly language of the President-Hamilton's ardent and well

On the 12th November, 1796. Soon after his return to France, Talleyrand, writing to Hamilton to solicit his professional services, observed—“ On ma beaucoup questioné sur l'Amerique au moment du mon arrivé, j'ai respondu comme J'y le devois, et en des termes qui, je crois, vous auroient convenu. Je n'ai pas manqué surtout de dire, que je ne croyais point a l'eloignment des Americaines pour les François, quand meme cet eloignment existeroit, il m'y auroit rien de plus naturel d'apres la conduite folle et audacieuse des agents de la France qui sétoient toujours montrés l'ennemis de votre gouvernement.”

timed publications broke the infatuation of the people. The pride of the nation was aroused. From every hill and from every plain-from every mountain side and every lowly valley, the cry was heard the thrilling cry, "Millions for defence-not a cent for tribute."

CHAPTER CXLI.

HAMILTON'S heart beat responsive to the throbbings of the nation's pulse. Towards him every eye was directed. He stood like Demosthenes arousing the Athenians against the craft of Philip;-that "all Greece-all the Barbarian world was too narrow for his ambition, who either ruled universally as a conqueror, or governed as a protector;" and exposing the arts of the venal pensioners of Macedon, "that he might be at liberty to carry on the war against Athens, while she made no war on him."

Wherever energy or counsel were required, he was called for. A leading member of Congress wrote him, "Could any thing prevail on you to take the War department? Reflect on the importance of the station at this moment. Consider how much more important a war minister is than a General, and how much more difficult to be found." * Governor Jay announced to him his intention to send him a commission to represent New York in the Senate of the United States. "If, after well considering the subject," Jay remarked, "you should decline an appointment, be so good as to consult with some of our most judicious friends, and advise me as to the person most proper to appoint, and at the same time likely

R. G. Harper to Hamilton, April 27, 1798.

"There may,"

to accept." Both stations were declined. he answered Jay, "arise a crisis when I shall feel myself bound once more to sacrifice the interests of my family to the public weal, but I must defer the change as long as possible. I do not think of a person to recommend adapted to the emergency. I shall reflect, and consult,

and write you by the next post."

Jefferson, in the mean time, was speculating on the probable defection of his partisans ; deprecating the genius of Hamilton; soliciting subscriptions for the "Aurora;" sneering at the X. Y. Z. fever; denouncing the President. All his letters depict his extreme alarm, his insensibility to the national honor-his active, persever ing, subtle machinations. "Private letters," he writes Madison on the fifth of April, "from France assure us, that France, classing us in her measures with the Swedes and the Danes, has no more notion of declaring war against them than us. * You will see a letter in Bache's paper of yesterday which came addressed to This letter was from Talleyrand. What reflections it suggests!-The Vice President of the United States in private correspondence with the Minister of a power warring on American commerce, using his advices to check the public indignation at her wrongs, and to obstruct measures of defence, protection, vindication.

me."

*

"Still the fate of Sprigg's resolutions," he adds, "seems in perfect equilibrio. You will see in Fenno two numbers of a paper signed 'Marcellus.' They promise much mischief, and are ascribed, without any difference of opinion, to Hamilton.* You must, my dear sir, take up your pen against this champion. You know the ingenuity of his talents, and there is not a person but yourself can foil him. For heaven's sake, then, take up your pen, and do not desert the public cause altogether." "The first impressions," (made by the despatches,)

*They were not Hamilton s.

he wrote the next day, "with the people will be disagreeable, but the last and permanent one will be, that the speech in May is now the only obstacle to accommodation, and the real cause of war, if war takes place. And how much will be added to this, by the speech of November, is yet to be learned. It is evident, however, on reflection, that these papers do not offer one motive the more for going to war."

*

Again he unbosoms himself:

"The public mind appears still in a state of astonishment. There never was a moment in which the aid of an able pen was so important to place things in their just attitude. On this depend the inchoate movements in the Eastern mind, and the fate of the elections in that quarter, now beginning and to continue through the summer. I would not propose to you such a task on any ordinary occasion. But, be assured, that a well-digested analysis of these papers would now decide the future turn of things, which are at this moment on the creen." As a motive, he suggests, the "checking the rising spirit of New England, and beating up the party of Jay in New York."

Before the publication of these despatches, on the second of April, Madison wrote to Jefferson, condemning the Government for having made no disclosure of their contents. Jefferson, in reply,† calls the requisition for money, a demand of “submission to a heavy amercement,” (upwards of a million sterling) and says the imputation made by France on her supporters, was "the bait which hurried the opposite party into this publication."

The contents of these despatches being known, Madi

* April 12.

† April 6-April 11, Jefferson wrote, "Demands have been made of a large some of money from us as a mulct or satisfaction for the President's speech." Bonaparte at St. Helena states, "Certain intriguing agents, with which sort of instruments the office of Foreign Affairs was at that period abundantly supplied, insinuated that the demand of a loan would be desisted from, upon the advance of 1,200,000 francs, to be divided between the Director Barras and the Minister Talleyrand."