CHAPTER CL.

THIS Republic had now virtually passed from under the counsels of its great founders, though still in power. All the salutary personal influences which had elevated it to its high and dignified station among the nations were checked. And it is to be no longer seen, subduing, but fitfully struggling with the antagonistic force, which had opposed its establishment, and was soon to obtain over it a long-enduring mastery.

The session of Congress ended on the fourth of March, seventeen hundred and ninety-nine, and the leading administration members left the seat of government with a fixed distrust of Adams, and with serious alarms for the future. They knew that no confidence was to be placed in the counsels of France, and that a mission thus instituted, would only encourage a renewal of her efforts to render the United States, an open auxiliary in her projects of ambition. They saw all their exertions to sustain the high sense of national honor her injuries had aroused, baffled; that their country, humiliated and weakened, would become, for a time, the mere satellite of an armed despotism, that aggressions on the part of England would follow, then commercial restrictions and retaliations, the policy Jefferson had proposed and Madison had supported, then a feeble war-and a compromising peace.

Nor were they without sincere apprehensions as to the internal condition of the Republic. They feared lest the popular mind, prone to extremes, might sanction the theoretic innovations of Jefferson-innovations hostile to all efficient government; and that, in the ardent strife of parties, the institutions they had originated, and had so long labored to sustain, would become the prey of anarchy. With these impressions, they returned to their homes discouraged and despondent-the more-because they saw their opponents buoyantly triumphing at the success of an intrigue they could not have suspected, which placed the President beyond the reach of temperate or systematic counsels.

Meanwhile, wherever the Democratic influence most prevailed, a feverish excitement was to be seen. The clamors against a standing army, so often resounded, were continued. The officers employed to recruit were treated with indignity,* that they had accepted commissions in a menaced war with France was, in those parts of the Union where her agents had been most active, denounced as an offence against the cause of libertyagainst such a cause the people were implored not to fill the ranks of the army. The Irish emigrants loudly clamorous, petitioned for relief from the law against "dangerous aliens," and, at the same time, showed their disregard of all law by a political tumult on Sunday at the seat of Government, pursuing the citizens into their dwellings, only restrained in their violence by the civil authority, and released from prison by partisan interference. Sedi

* The black cockade designated by Washington was treated as an object of contumely, and a Journal was published to record alleged offences of the troops entitled, "The Cannibal's Progress"-commissions were also sought by the opposition, as Washington states, "to divide and contaminate the army, and perhaps, at a critical moment, bring on confusion." Wash. xi. 317.

tion-poles with their red flags were again erected in various parts of the country as the rallying signals of disaffection. Pennsylvania, whose population still slumbered under a heavy cloud of ignorance, again became the scene of an Insurrection. The recent authority to raise a loan, they were told, empowered the Government to mortgage private property; and the preliminary valuations for the direct tax being represented, as having this in view, the deluded people resolved to resist its collection, as alike arbitrary and unconstitutional. This determination had shown itself during the preceding winter. The instances of resistance were so frequent, and there were such appearances of combination, that the Judiciary was applied to, and warrants were issued. This attempt to assert the authority of the laws produced open opposition. At various points in the great counties of Bucks, Montgomery, and Northampton, consultations were held. The marshal arrested a few of the more daring conspirators, when a party of armed men, composed of militia led by a captain of the name of Fries, beset the house where they were in custody, and, after threatening the magistrate with personal violence, rescued the prisoners. An immediate interposition of the military force would have restored quiet, but the President had left Philadelphia, and in the interval of the exertion of the powers of the Government, this outbreak assumed the aspect of a rebellion. The Governor of the State being incompetent to his duties, his authority had devolved upon two of the most subservient partisans of Jefferson. Several of the magistrates were advised, that setting up liberty-poles was no crime, if done peaceably; and thus the turbulent and flagitious were assured, that from the State officers there was nothing to apprehend.

The Secretary of the Treasury apprised his predeces sor of what was passing. Hamilton replied: *

"It is a good principle for the Government of the United States to employ directly its own means-only do not let this be carried so far as to confine it to the use of inadequate means, or to embarrass the auxiliary means which circumstances may require.

"The idea of the late President's administration of considering the Governor of each State as the first General of the militia, was well considered, and, in my opinion, wisely adopted; and will be adhered to. In its general operation, it will obviate many difficulties and collisions; and, by enhancing their importance, tend to draw the State executives to the General Government. Take good care, that in the present instance, the force employed be not inadequate."

General Hamilton also wrote to the Secretary at

War:

“Beware, my dear sir, of magnifying a riot into an Insurrection, by employing, in the first instance, an inadequate force. 'Tis better far to err on the other side. Whenever the Government appears in arms, it it ought to appear like a HERCULES, and inspire respect by the display of strength. The consideration of expense is of no moment compared with the advantages of energy. 'Tis true, this is always a relative question; but 'tis always important to make no mistake. I offer only a principle, and a caution. A large corps of auxiliary cavalry may be had in Jersey, New York, Delaware and Maryland, without interfering with farming pursuits. Will it be inexpedient to put under marching orders a large force provisionally, as an eventual support of the corps to be employed-to awe the disaffected? Let all be well considered."

After some delay, a Proclamation was issued, announcing the existence of these "treasonable proceedings," warning the Insurgents to disperse, and requiring the officers and people to aid in their suppression. An adequate force of militia, supported by a detachment of regular troops, was at last marched to the scene of disaf

* March 21, 1799.

fection. The Insurgents were overawed-general assurances of submission made—the leaders taken. The quiet of the country was in constant danger of being disturbed on its interior frontier. This also came into Hamilton's comprehensive view. He wrote, in his military capacity, a peremptory order in relation to the demarcation of the Indian line of boundary-" As this is a matter of great importance to the United States, I shall rely that nothing on the part of the military will be wanting which can tend to a speedy and effectual execution."

In the mean time, looking to its permanent enduring interests, he sought to calm the discontents which the defection of Adams had produced among the Federalists.' Their dissatisfaction was quieted, and the impulse which had been given to the public opinion was seen in the elections of New York and Virginia.

In the former of these States, the Federalists had a majority in the legislature; but the want of an efficient leader in that body gave advantages to Burr, who was a representative of the city of New York. His chief object at this time was to obtain a charter for a Bank to relieve his own necessities, accommodate his friends, and raise up a rival mercantile influence, that might be wielded to the promotion of his projects. He is described as practising in that body, with the greatest assiduity, all his insidious wiles, drawing the unscrupulous into his secret cabals, putting forward others, rarely appearing as the advocate of his own desired objects, appealing to the State pride of New York, exciting individual jealousies, awakening individual hopes, infusing his poison into the very sources of legislation. By these arts he attained his purpose; and availing himself of discontents, resulting partly from the temper of the Governor, by sowing dissensions among his supporters, he laid the foundation of