fearful operation, and the dissensions in this State are too likely to bring things to the situation they wish, when our Bonaparte, surrounded by his comrades in arms, may step in to give us political salvation in his way." These charges, utterly groundless as this narrative has proved them to be, were industriously propagated, and extensively believed.

The Federalists appealed in their vindications to the understandings of the people, and conjured them calmly to review each of the series of their measures, which had so much elevated the character and promoted the prosperity of the Republic. The Democrats addressed the evil passions of the people, affrighting their imaginations with apprehensions of the future, and presented to them, as the only refuge, a change of rulers. Real blessings were in one scale-ideal injuries in the other. Change is always popular. The contest was hopeless.

CHAPTER CLIII.

LATE in February, Hamilton wrote to Sedgewick, "When will Congress probably adjourn? Will any thing be settled as to a certain election? I observe more and more, that by the jealousy and envy of some, the miserliness of others, and the concurring influence of all foreign powers, America, if she attains to greatness, must creep to it. Will it be so? Slow and sure is no bad maxim. Snails are a wise generation."

In this discouraging state of things, it is interesting to advert to a private letter of Hamilton, exhibiting the state of his mind. His old comrade of the Revolution, Colonel Henry Lee, wrote to him from Congress :

*

"It gives me pain to find you so despondent. Certainly you cannot regard the calumnies of your enemies. This to them would be high gratification. Nor ought you to despond of your country. We have heretofore prospered, when surrounded by infinitely greater difficulties, in contributing to which prosperity no man alive has done more than yourself. Be, then, more like yourself, and resist to victory, all your foes."

Hamilton immediately answered:

"You have mistaken a little observation in my last. Believe me, that I feel no despondency of any sort. As to the country, it is too

* March 5, 1800.

young and vigorous to be quacked out of its political health; and as to myself, I feel that I stand on ground, which, sooner or later, will ensure me a triumph over all my enemies. But, in the mean time, I am not wholly insensible of the injustice which I from time to time experience; and of which, in my opinion, I am this moment the victim. Perhaps my sensibility is the effect of an exaggerated estimate of my services to the United States; but on such a subject a man will judge for himself; and, if he is misled by his vanity, he must be content with the mortifications to which it exposes him. In no event, however, will any displeasure I may feel, be at war with the public interest. This, in my eyes, is sacred."

No concert as to the future was formed by the Federalists, indeed, a concert at this moment, will appear from subsequent occurrences to have been impracticable. In the mean time, every eye was directed to the State of New York.

Jefferson had written to Monroe,

"all will depend on the city election,* which is of twelve members. At present there would be no doubt of our carrying our ticket there; nor does there seem to be time for any events arising to change that disposition. There is, therefore, the best prospect possible, of a great and decided majority on a joint vote of the two Houses. They are so confident of this, that the Republican party there, will not consent to elect either by districts or a general ticket. They choose to do it by their legislature !”

After alluding to the prospects in New Jersey, he added,

"Perhaps it will be thought, I ought in delicacy to be silent on this subject. But you, who know me, know that my private gratifications would be most indulged by that issue which should leave me most at home. If any thing supersedes this propensity, it is merely the desire to see this Government brought back to its republican principles." He subsequently wrote to Madison, "the event depends on the

*City of New York.

three middle States before mentioned,"-Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York-"as to them, Pennsylvania passes no law for an elec tion at the present session. They confide, that the next election gives a decided majority in the two Houses, when joined together-McKean, therefore, intends to call the legislature to meet immediately after the new election, to appoint electors themselves."-"In New York all depends on the city election."-"If the city election of New York is in favor of the Republican ticket, the issue will be Republican. If the Federal ticket for the city prevails, the probabilities will be in favor of a Federal issue. The election being in April, it becomes an early and interesting object. Burr, Livingston, &c., entertain no doubt of the event."

To secure the vote of New York had been the chief object of Burr's exertions. Disliked by the Livingstons as a person neither to be persuaded, nor controlled,— hated by Clinton, for aspiring to be a competitor in his career of ambition,-contemned, distrusted, and feared by both, Burr had an embarrassing part to play. But this was an incentive to his exertions. While it gratified his love of intrigue, it flattered his busy vanity, and promised a double triumph to his ambition and to his hate. Under his personal supervision, the city was divided into districts and sections. The name of every resident was enrolled, his politics designated, the influences to bear upon him sought out. Committees and sub-committees organized for these purposes were put in motion. Obscure men, of inferior place, were cultivated to a new importance. Young men of the Federal party, disgusted with Adams, were courted. His residence became their rendezvous. Their self-consequence was flattered, their hopes of preferment encouraged; and, from amid wine and wassail, they went forth to do the biddings of an unscrupulous, dexterous juggler.

With all these efforts, it was still manifest, that success could only be secured by conciliating the two great sec

tions of the Democratic party. To the concurrence of the Democratic branch of the Livingstons, in his views, strong inducements might be held out, if found indispensable, in the promise of office; but Clinton stood in a different position. Comparing his pretensions to the Presidency with those of either candidate, the late Governor could see no reason why he should be postponed; for who had been more hostile to the adoption of the Constitution? Contrasted with his ancient claims, he regarded Burr as a mere fledgling. As to Jefferson, his strong practical sense did not conceal its distrust and utter contempt of him. His co-operation with either aspirant involved a postponement, if not a sacrifice, of his own interests; yet how could it be withheld in this great contest, without a total abandonment by his party?

To succeed in the city of New York, it was important to form a ticket which would satisfy every dissenter from Federalisın; Brock holst Livingston was selected to please one section; Clinton's name was necessary to blind or pacify the mass. To avoid the odium his own nomination would excite, and, in order "that he might be free to act at the polls during the election,"† Burr was content to place on it a few persons devoted to his interests. The ticket was completed by the union with these, of Gates,

*Davis's Life of Burr, ii. 58. "No terms can give a correct idea of the scenes between Governor Clinton and the sub-committee, (composed in part of Burr, Davis and Swartwout,) for they had an interview with him on three dif ferent days. He never did consent to stand, but pledged himself that he would publish nothing in the newspapers, reserving to himself the right, which he subsequently exercised, of stating in conversation, that his name was used without his authority or permission. Thus, it is evident, that but for the matchless perseverance of Colonel Burr, the ticket, as it stood, never could have been formed, and when formed would have been broken up; and the republican party discomfited and beaten."

Davis's Life of Burr, ii. 58.