Jefferson took great interest in this production, advised as to the title of the work, offered him suggestions as to parts, and intimated the policy of "keeping out direct censures of the President.”* It was entitled "A View of the conduct of the Executive," the title of the previous attack upon Hamilton by Gallatin, at his instance. The character of this feeble production, may be judged by the previous narrative of his mission to France, the materials whereof it chiefly gives. It is sufficient to observe, that it divulges the confidential correspondence of the government with France, and this at a moment of imminent peril. "As to the propriety," Washington remarked, "of exposing to public view the private instructions and correspondence of his own government, nothing need be said; for I should suppose that the measure must be reprobated by the well informed and intelligent of all nations, and not less by his abettors in this country, if they were not blinded by party views, and determined at all hazards to catch at any thing, that in their opinion will promote them. The mischievous and dangerous tendency of such a practice is too glaring to require a comment." The dangers of foreign influence are seen to have weighed upon the mind of Washington during the latter years of his life. He felt it a duty to himself and to his country to leave behind him, for after times, recorded evidence of his convictions of the conduct of the recalled envoy. These strictures were, after his decease, made public. "As to the recall of Monroe," he remarks, "if an' agent of his appointment is found incompetent, remiss in his duty, or pursuing wrong courses, it becomes the indis * Jefferson to Monroe, Oct. 25, 1797. pensable duty" of the President "to remove him from office; otherwise he would be responsible for the conse- quences. Such was Mr. Monroe in the estimation of the President upon trial of him." "None but a party man, lost to all sense of propriety, could have asked "a disclo- sure to him of the contents of the treaty with Great Brit- ain previous to its ratification," and no other would have brought himself into such a predicament."—" There is abundant evidence of his being a mere tool in the hands * Washington's Writings, vol. xi. Appendix, No. x. Monroe to Madison, Nov. 15, 1796. "Notwithstanding this unprece- dented outrage," (his removal,) "I have still some tenderness towards General Jefferson to Monroe, Dec. 27, 1797. "Your book was later coming out than was wished, however, it works irresistibly; it would be very gratifying to you to hear the unqualified eulogies, both on the matter and manner, by all who are not hostile to it from principle. A pamphlet, written by Fauchet (now reprinting here) reinforces the views you have presented of the duplicity Jefferson to Monroe, Feb. 7, 1798. "I understand, that the opposite party admit that there is nothing in your conduct which can be blamed, except the Jefferson to Monroe, April 5, 1798. "Your narrative and letters, wher- CHAPTER CXXXIX. THE capture of Mantua consummated the fate of Italy and the fortunes of France. Having levied a contribution on the Papal dominions, Bonaparte, with a boldness only sanctioned by his immense genius, leaving behind him his recent conquests, resolved to dictate at Vienna the terms of peace to the Germanic Empire. While one division of his forces traversed the defiles of the Tyrol, he, at the head of the main body, penetrated, amidst clouds, and snows, and ice, the mountains which overlook at a distance the valley of the Danube. There, from the last summit of the Noric Alps, his ardent soldiers, enriched with spoils, united with the hardy army of the Rhine, emulous of each other's fame, menaced the hereditary States of Austria. The patriotism of the mountain peasants, and the obstinate courage of the choicest troops of the Empire, offered a vain resistance to their impetuosity. Trieste was occupied, Carinthia overrun,—Vienna trembled at her approaching doom; and, after six years of desolating warfare, the Emperor rescued the fanes of his ancient capital from sacrilege, by the preliminary treaty of Leoben. Having extended the dominions of France to the borders of the Rhine, and indemnified Austria for the loss of her Belgic and Lombard possessions, by States despoiled from Venice, the conqueror hastened to the shores of the Adriatic to complete the overthrow of that ancient oligarchy, dating its origin from another invader, the ferocious Attila.* Intestine dissensions, artfully fomented, had prepared Venice for her hapless fate. Superstition arrayed against Infidelity-Patriotism against Sedition waged an unequal conflict. Her haughty aristocracy sought safety in submission. Their prayers, their lamentings, their concessions were heard only to be scoffed. The policy of France would not endure any other institutions than such as she should impose; and, amidst the broils of her citizens with the foreign mercenaries of the Senate, a peace was signed, by which a provisional government was established; a protecting army of Frenchmen introduced her fleet surrendered-the defenders of the State delivered to summary vengeance. This invasion and subversion of an ancient, unoffending, neutral power, was excused by the allegations, that her Lagunes were her only natural possessions; that her iniquitous Constitution, and aged, abhorred, and gloomy despotism gave her no right to sympathy or existence. Without these poor pretexts, Genoa was doomed to a similar revolution. The adherents of France, miscalled the Patriots, rose against the people and were beaten down; but the timely advance of a French force ended the contest, while the Doge was considering a proposal to modify the constitution. Amid the ruin of ancient and the creation of new States, Bonaparte sat on his throne at Milan, (thus again an imperial city,) deciding the destinies of Europe, while Gibbon, iii. 357. the perspective of universal empire was opening before him. Of the powerful coalition which had menaced France, England alone remained in arms. The condition of her allies left her no longer any obligation or inducement to protract the contest. Overtures of peace were made, and accepted; and, while Austria was negotiating at Undine, conferences between these ancient enemies were commenced at Lisle. France, in all her interests, required repose, and fondly cherished the prospect of tranquillity. The wishes of the nation were responded to by the two Councils, sincerely desirous of peace, and intent upon confining the Directory within their legitimate sphere. But the Executive power of that great, unhappy nation, was the representative of war. Peace would be fatal to its existence. To exist, it must be absolute-unlimited. It could not ad mit of opposition. The press had denounced the subversion of Venice. The Councils inquired how the Directory, without legislative concurrence, had dared this procedure? The inquiry was referred to the same Committee which were consulting of the depredations on the United States. The French people had begun again to reason, and the Directory took refuge in the arms of the soldiery. Troops were seen approaching Paris. Addresses from the army avowed their readiness to "fly with the rapidity of the eagle to maintain the Constitution!-defend liberty!— protect the republicans!" Another revolution was resolved. At a concerted signal, the legislative halls were surrounded with soldiers. The Councils were dissolved, and the minority, composed of the adherents of a majority of the Directory, assembled at a different place, and as |