The public papers will tell you how much reason we have to apprehend an Indian war, and to suspect that Britain instigates it. In my opinion, our Indian affairs have been ill managed. Details would be tedious. Indians have been murdered by our people in cold blood, and no satisfaction given; nor are they pleased with the avidity with which we seek to acquire their lands. Would it not be wiser, gradually to extend our settlements, as want of room should make it necessary, than to pitch our tents through the wilderness, in a great variety of places, far distant from each other, and from those advantages of education, civilization, law and government, which compact settlements and neighborhood afford? Shall we not fill the wilderness with white savages, and will they not become more formidable to us, than the tawny ones who now inhabit it?

As to the sums of money expected from the sale of those lands, I suspect we shall be deceived, for, at whatever price they may be sold, the collection and payment of it will not be easily accomplished.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

Sir,

Paris, September 26, 1786.

The last letters I had the honor of writing you, were of the 11th and 13th August; since that, I have been favored with yours of July 14th and August 18th. I now enclose you such letters on the Barbary negotia

tions as have come to hand since my last, with these is the copy of a joint letter from Mr. Adams and myself, to Mr. Lamb. In mine, of August 13th, I mentioned that I had proposed it as a subject of consideration to Mr. Adams, whether the mission of Mr. Barclay to Algiers might answer any good purposes. He is of opinion that it could not; I have, therefore, informed Mr. Barclay, who, by this time is probably in Spain, that he is at liberty to return to this place, to London or America, as he shall think proper. You will perceive by the letter from Mr. Carmichael, that it is the opinion of the Counts de Florida Blanca and d'Espilly, that a treaty with the Ottoman Porte is necessary, before one can be made with Algiers. Such a treaty will require presents, not indeed as the price of their peace, but such as are usually made in compliment to their Ministers. But as it would be ineffectual towards opening to us the Mediterranean, until a peace with Algiers can be obtained, there seems to be no reason for pressing it till there is a prospect of settlement with the Algerines.

Since the death of the King of Prussia, the symptoms of war between the Porte and the Russians and Venitians, have become stronger; I think it is the opinion of this Court, however, that there will be no war shortly on the continent. I judge this, as well from other information, as from the circumstance of a late reduction of their land force. All their military preparations seem to be against a naval war; nevertheless, their treaty with England has lately taken a sudden start, declarations have been exchanged between the negotiators, in the nature of preliminaries to a definitive treaty, the particulars of these declarations are not yet certainly known.

I was asked by the Imperial Ambassador, whether I had received an answer on the subject of his proposition to renew our powers to treat with his Sovereign. A discrimination which they understand to have been made in America, between the subjects of powers having treaties with us, and those having none, seems to be the motive of their pressing this matter.

It being known, that M. de Calonnes, the Minister of Finance for this country, is at his wits end how to raise supplies for the ensuing year, a proposition has been made him by a Dutch company, to purchase the debt of the United States to this country for twenty millions of livres, in hand; his necessities dispose him to accede to the proposition, but a hesitation is produced by the apprehension, that it might lessen our credit in Europe, and perhaps be disagreeable to Congress. I have been consulted hereon by the agent of that company, I informed him that I could not judge what effect it might have on our credit, and was not authorized, either to approve or disapprove of the transaction. I have since reflected on this subject; if there be a danger that our payments may not be punctual, it might be better that the discontents which would thence arise, should be transferred from a Court, of whose good will we have so much need, to the breasts of a private company. But it has occurred to me, that we might find occasion to do what would be grateful to this Court, and establish with them a confidence in our honor. I am informed that our credit in Holland is sound; might it not be possible then to borrow there the four and twenty millions due to this country, and thus pay them their whole debt at once? This would save them from any loss on our account; nor is it

liable to the objection of impropriety in creating new debts, before we have more certain means of paying them; it is only transferring a debt from one creditor to another, and removing the causes of discontent to persons, with whom they would do us less injury. Thinking that this matter is worthy of the attention of Congress, I will endeavor that the negotiation shall be retarded, till it may be possible for me to know their decision, which, therefore, I will take the liberty of praying immediately.

You will have heard before this comes to hand, that the parties in the United Netherlands have come to an open rupture. How far it will proceed, cannot now be foreseen. I send you herewith, the Gazettes of France and Leyden to this date.

I have the honor of being, &c.

TH: JEFFERSON.

FROM THOMAS BARCLAY TO MESSRS. ADAMS AND JEF

FERSON.

Gentlemen,

Morocco, July 16, 1786.

I wrote you on the 26th of last month, and expected to have followed my letter in a week, but several unforeseen matters have hitherto detained us; however, I expect we shall set out to-morrow or the day following. The 13th instant the treaty was sent to me by the Effendi, since which some important alterations have been made, which the villainy and carelessness of the Talbe Houdrani (to whom the drawing was committed) made necessary; and yesterday it was again delivered from

Tahar Fennish, to whose hands the King committed the arrangement of the matter. It still wants an additional article, or rather a declaration, which his Majesty has permitted to be made in his name, but which he desired might not make a part of the treaty. When this is done it will stand as I described it in my last letter, viz: there is only one article more I wish to see inserted, and that I think will never prove of any consequence.

When I send you the treaty, it will be necessary to accompany it with some remarks, with which I will not now trouble you; and the only one I shall make is, that the King, throughout the whole, has acted in a manner the most gracious and condescending, and I really believe the Americans possess as much of his respect and regard, as does any Christian nation whatever. If you should think my services at Algiers, Tunis or Tripoli, necessary, I hope your commands will meet me in the South of Spain, for after returning to Paris, it will be utterly impossible for me to engage further in the business. A peace with the Barbary powers is absolutely essential to the commerce of our country, and I think a general one might be made, notwithstanding the impediments that appear. The Emperor has ordered five frigates on a cruise in the Atlantic Ocean. He is now at peace with all the world, except Russia, Malta, Hamburg and Dantzic. A treaty with the first of these powers was concluded on and the articles drawn, but it was afterwards broken off. The Emperor complains much of the treatment he receives from England, and Mr. Duff, who came here sometime ago as Pro-Consul, returned the day before we arrived, highly offended at his reception, the Emperor having refused to receive the letter which Lord