THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

THOMAS JEFFERSON,

ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS FOR THE FORMATION OF TREATIES OF AMITY AND COMMERCE, AND MIN

ISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO FRANCE.

WITH

THE ANSWERS OF JOHN JAY,

SECRETARY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

Sir,

Paris, March 5, 1786.

The several commissions to which Congress were pleased to appoint Colonel Humphreys, Secretary of Legation, being shortly to expire, and a French packet offering him a convenient passage in the month of April, he proposes to avail himself of that occasion of returning to his own country, and of there presenting his respects and thanks to Congress.

As a member of the several commissions with which his office was connected, I think it my duty to bear testimony to his ready, able and faithful discharge of all its duties; and I beg leave, through you to Congress, to assure them, that his talents and dispositions are such, as they may repose themselves on with security, should they think proper to avail our country of them, on any future occasion. I have the honor to be, &c.

TH: JEFFERSON.

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

London, March 12, 1786.

Sir,

The date of a letter from London will doubtless be as unexpected to you, as it was unforeseen by myself a few days ago. On the 27th of the last month, Col. Smith arrived in Paris with a letter from Mr. Adams informing me, that there was at this place a Minister from Tripoli, having general powers to enter into treaties on behalf of his State, and with whom it was possible we might do something in our commissions to that power; and that he gave reason to believe he could also take arrangements with us for Tunis.

He further added that the Minister of Portugal here had received ultimate instructions from his Court, and that probably that treaty might be concluded in the space of three weeks, were we all on the spot together.

He therefore pressed me to come over immediately. The first of these objects had some weight on my mind, because as we had sent no person to Tripoli or Tunis, I thought if we could meet a Minister from them on this ground, our arrangements would be settled much sooner and at less expense. But what principally decided with me was the desire of bringing matters to a conclusion with Portugal, before the term of our commission should expire, or any new turn in the negotiations of France and England, should abate their willingness to fix a connexion with us.

A third motive had also its weight. I hoped that my attendance here, and the necessity of shortening it, might be made use of to force a decisive answer from this Court.

I therefore concluded to comply with Mr. Adams' request.

I went immediately to Versailles and apprised the Count de Vergennes, that circumstances of public duty called me hither for three or four weeks, arranged with him some matters, and set out with Col. Smith for this place, where we arrived last night; which was as early as the excessive rigor of the weather admitted.

I saw Mr. Adams immediately and again to-day.

He informs me, that the Minister of Portugal was taken ill five or six days ago, has been very much so, but is now somewhat better.

It would be very mortifying, indeed, should this accident, with the shortness of the term to which I limit my stay here, defeat what was the principal object of my journey, and that without which I should hardly have undertaken it. With respect to this country, I had no doubt but that every consideration had been urged by Mr. Adams, which was proper to be urged.

Nothing remains undone in this way. But we shall avail ourselves of my journey here, as if made on purpose, just before the expiration of our commission; to form our report to Congress on the execution of that commission, which report they may be given to know cannot be formed, without decisive information of the ultimate determination of their Court.

There is no doubt what that determination will be; but it will be useful to have it, as it may put an end to all further expectations on our side the water, and shew that the time is come for doing whatever is to be done by us, for counteracting the unjust and greedy designs of this country.

We shall have the honor, before I leave this place, to inform you of the result of the several matters which have brought me to it.

A day or two before my departure from Paris, I received your letter of January; the question therein. proposed: "How far France considers herself as bound to insist on the delivery of the posts?" would, infallibly, produce another: How far we consider ourselves as guarantees of their American possessions, and bound to enter into any future war, in which these may be attacked?

The words of the treaty of alliance seem to be without ambiguity on either head. Yet I should be afraid to commit Congress, by answering without authority.

I will endeavor, on my return, to sound the opinion of the Minister, if possible, without exposing myself to the other question. Should any thing forcible be meditated on those posts, it would possibly be thought prudent, previously to ask the good offices of France, to obtain their delivery.

In this case, they would probably say we must first execute the treaty on our part, by repealing all acts which have contravened it.

Now, this measure, if there be any candor in the Court of London, would suffice to obtain a delivery of the posts from them, without the mediation of any third

power.

However, if this mediation should be finally needed, I see no reason to doubt our obtaining it, and still less to question its omnipotent influence on the British Court.

I have the honor to be, &c.

TH: JEFFERSON.

FROM JOHN JAY TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Dear Sir,

New York, June 16, 1786.

Since my last to you, of the 14th ult. I have been honored with yours of the 2nd January and 5th and 12th of March last. I have also, received a joint letter from you and Mr. Adams, of 28th March. All of them have been laid before Congress, who, as yet, have not given me any orders respecting the contents of either.

The first of these letters, viz: that of 2nd January, strikes me as very interesting. I always wished, and that very sincerely, that on the return of peace, France might derive essential advantages from our commerce. I regret that this has not been the case, and that the causes which occasioned the disappointment, have not sooner been investigated and removed. In my opinion, you have done it candidly and ably; and it would give me great pleasure to hear that France has so regulated her commerce, as that the people of this country may indulge their desire, of giving the productions of this country, in exchange for those of that. There is certainly much wisdom and knowledge in France, but the interests of commerce do not appear to be as well understood in that country as in England. However the system of farming and monopoly may comport with the views of Government in some points, the experience of ages bears testimony to the injuries they have done to commerce. Governments, however, like individuals, sometimes become too strongly attached, by long continued habit, even to what daily does them harm. So that we may apply to errors in politics, what was wisely remarked of errors in morals: it is hard for those who are accustomed