of counting together England, Austria and Russia, as heretofore, against France, Spain, Holland, Prussia and Turkey, the division will probably be, England, Holland, and Prussia, against France, Austria, Russia and perhaps Spain. This last power is not sure, because the disposition of its heir apparent is not sure. But whether the present be truce or peace, it will allow time to mature the conditions of the alliance between France and the two Empires, always supposed to be on the carpet. It is thought to be obstructed by the avidity of the Emperor, who would swallow a good part of Turkey, Silesia, Bavaria, and the rights of the Germanic body. To the two or three first articles, France might consent, receiving in gratification a well rounded portion of the Austrian Netherlands, with the Islands of Candia, Cyprus, Rhodes, and perhaps Lower Egypt. But all this is in embryo, uncertainly known, and counterworked by the machinations of the Courts of London and Berlin.

The following solution of the British armaments, is supposed in a letter of the 25th ultimo, from Colonel Blachden, of Connecticut, now at Dunkirk, to the Marquis de la Fayete. I will cite it in his own words: "A gentleman who left London two days ago, and came to this place to day, informs me, that it is now generally supposed, that Mr. Pitt's great secret, which has puzzled the whole nation so long, and to accomplish which design, the whole force of the nation is armed, is to make a vigorous effort for the recovery of America. When I recollect the delay they have made in delivering the forts in America, and that little more than a year ago, one of the British Ministry wrote to the King a letter, in which were these remarkable words: "if your Majesty pleases,

America may yet be yours;" add to this, if it were possible for the present Ministry in England to effect such a matter, they would secure their places, and their power, for a long time, and should they fail in the end, they would be certain of holding them during the attempt, which it is in their power to prolong as much as they please, and, at all events, they would boast of having endeavored the recovery of what a former Ministry had abandoned; it is possible." A similar surmise has come in a letter from a person in Rotterdam, to one at this place. I am satisfied the King of England believes the mass of our people to be tired of their independence, and desirous of returning under his government; and, that the same opinion prevails in the Ministry and nation. They have hired their newswriters to repeat this lie in their gazettes so long, that they have become the dupes of it themselves. But there is no occasion to recur to this, in order to account for their arming. A more rational purpose avowed, that purpose executed, and when executed, a solemn agreement to disarm, seem to leave no doubt, that the re-establishment of the Stadtholder was their object. Yet, it is possible, that having found that this Court will not make war in this moment for any ally, new views may arise, and they may think the moment favorable, for executing any purposes they may have, in our quarter. Add to this, that reason is no aid in calculating their movements. We are, therefore, never safe till our magazines are filled with arms. present season of truce or peace, should, in my opinion, be improved without a moment's respite, to effect this essential object, and no means be omitted, by which money may be obtained for the purpose. I say this,

The

however, with due deference to the opinion of Congress, who are better judges of the necessity and practicability of the measure.

I mentioned to you, in a former letter, the application I had made to the Dutch Ambassadors and Prussian Envoy, for the protection of Mr. Dumas. The latter soon after received an assurance, that he was put under the protection of the States of Holland; and the Dutch Ambassador called on me a few days ago, to inform me, by instructions from his constituents, "that the States General had received a written application from Mr. Adams, praying their protection of Dumas, that they had instructed their Greffier, Fagel, to assure Mr. Adams by letter, that he was under the protection of the States of Holland; but to inform him at the same time, that Mr. Dumas' conduct, out of the line of his office, had been so extraordinary, that they would expect de l'honêteté de Mr. Adams, that he would charge some other person with the affairs of the United States, during his absence."

Your letter of September the 8th has been duly received. I shall pay due attention to the instructions relative to the medals, and give any aid I can in the case of Boss' vessel. As yet, however, my endeavors to find Monsieur Pauly, avocat au conseil d'état, rue coquilliere, have been ineffectual. There is no such person living in that street. I found a Monsieur Pauly, avocat au Parlement, in another part of the town; he opened the letter, but said it could not mean him. I shall advertise in the public papers; if that fails, there will be no other chance of finding him. Mr. Warnum will do well, therefore, to send some other description by

which the person may be found. Indeed some friend of the party interested should be engaged to follow up this business, as it will require constant attention, and probably a much larger sum of money, than that named in the bill enclosed in Mr. Warnum's letter.

I have the honor to enclose you a letter from O'Bryen to me, containing information from Algiers, and one from Mr. Montgomery at Alicant. The purpose of sending you this last, is to show you how much the difficulties of ransom are increased since the Spanish negotiations. The Russian captives have cost about eight thousand livres a piece on an average. I certainly have no idea that we should give any such sum; and therefore if it should be the sense of Congress to give such a price, I would be glad to know it by instruction. My idea is, that we should not ransom, but on the footing of the nation which pays least, that it may be as little worth their while to go in pursuit of us, as any nation. This is cruelty to the individuals now in captivity, but kindness to the hundreds that would soon be so, were we to make it worth the while of those pirates to go out of the straits in quest of us. As soon as money is provided, I shall put this business into train. I have taken measures to damp at Algiers, all expectations of our proposing to ransom at any price. I feel the distress which this must occasion to our countrymen there, and their connexions; but the object of it is their ultimate good, by bringing down their holders to such a price as we ought to pay, instead of letting them remain in such expectations as cannot be gratified. The gazettes of France and Leyden accompany this. I have the honor to be, &c.

TH: JEFFERSON.

[The annexed are translations of the declaration and counter-declaration, referred to in the preceding

letter.]

DECLARATION.

The events which have taken place in the republic of the United Provinces, appearing no longer to leave any subject of discussion, and still less of dispute, between the two Courts, the undersigned are authorized to ask, if it be the intention of his most Christian Majesty to act in pursuance of the notification given, on the 16th of last month by the Minister Plenipotentiary of his most Christian Majesty, which, announcing his purpose of aiding Holland, has occasioned maratime armaments on the part of his Majesty, which armaments have become reciprocal.

If the Court of Versailles is disposed to explain itself on this subject, and on the conduct adopted towards the republic, in a manner conformable to the desire evinced by each party, to procure a good understanding between the two Courts, it being also understood, at the same time, that no hostile view is entertained, in any quarter, in consequence of the past; his Majesty, always eager to manifest his concurrence in the friendly sentiments of his most Christian Majesty, agrees forthwith that the armaments, and, in general, all preparations for war, shall be mutually discontinued, and that the marines of the two nations shall be placed on the footing of a peace establishment, such as existed on the first of January of the present year.

DORSET,

WM. EDEN.

At Versailles, the 27th of October, 1787.