: THE Bristol Job Nott; OR, LABOURING MAN'S FRIEND. [Fourth Edition.] JOB NOTT's PREFACE. THE first thing which a writer commonly does when he comes before the world with a new publication, is to make a low bow to the public, and beg them to believe that it is with the utmost difficulty that he has been induced to publish but that the subject was so important, and his friends were so pressing, that his modesty has at length given way, and that he has with reluctance consented to print; and that under these circumstances, he hopes for the countenance of a candid public. Pshaw ! Why can't men be honest? It's my belief that nine times out of ten the writer is quite as willing to print as his friends are to ask him. The fact is, that publishing is as much a disease as St. Anthony's Fire. It's a disease too, that can never be cured but by being starved out. It's a disease moreover which runs very much in families: and this is one principal reason why I turn publisher. When I tell you, friendly reader, that I am son of the renowned Job Nott, of Birmingham, you will not wonder at my having a propensity to scribbling and printing. And who was Job Nott of Birmingham?-What! did you never hear of Job Nott, the buckle-maker, of Birmingham? then it's high time you should; for let me tell you there was not a more noted character in his day than my honoured father. He was first-cousin to the celebrated Nott, the button-burnisher, and was himself a burnisher of men's intellects. His writings cleared the THURSDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1831. brains and sharpened up the wits of many in his day, who, but for the advice he gave them, would have been so blinded and be-smothered by the Jacobinical notions of the times as to run themselves, and the nation, into ruin. Old Job Nott, I have already told you, got his bread by buckle-making; but the best buckles he ever made were his famous patent politico-moral buckles, with which he buckled the people together in one bond of union, in spite of foes without, and traitors within. Well! I can't stop now to give you the whole history of my honored parent. I'll tell you more about him another time. Indeed, I shall be often talking of him and drawing instructions from his writings. But now to myself. You will naturally ask, who are you? and what are you aiming at? Why, I'll tell you in a few words. My name is Job Nott. I never was ashamed of my name, and I hope my name will never be ashamed of me. It's an honourable name, given me after my honoured father; and as it is my lot to live in times very like those in which he lived, I am fired with a desire to imitate him, and to benefit the world by my lucubrations. Let me explain a little. My father, old Job Nott, of Birmingham, lived at the time of the former French Revolution; and when the principles of the Revolutionists had got abroad very much in this nation, and there was a great cry about "liberty and equality," and "The Rights of Man;" and Tom Paine's infidel principles were being circulated amongst the people, and a great many other bad notions had got abroad, but when old Nott-(a plain honest fellow who had sense enough to think for himself, and [Price lid. courage enough to speak what he thought,) sent forth his little publications amongst the people; presently his wholesome principles spread through the land, altering men's minds just like as a healing medicine changes the whole mass of a man's blood; Jacobinism was purged out, infidelity skulked into its native darkness, men who had been enemies to all the order of society, saw the error of their way, and became loyal subjects and good citizens. Now, I need not tell you, my friends, that the times we live in are very much like the times when my father lived. We have had another French Revolution. The men of this day have fallen in love with it like their forefathers did with the first. They are imitating the worst part of it. We live too near Queen Square to need an explanation of this! Then we have got our Carliles and our Taylors of the same kidney with Paine and Voltaire; and we have got a set of would-be orators, getting up and sputtering a parcel of seditious infidel stuff wherever they can find a tub or a cart (an illomened sort of pulpit) to hold forth from, and a score or two of idle fellows to listen to them. And the press too is pouring forth blasphemy, infidelity, and sedition, in such an inflammatory stream, as can only be compared to a flood of burning lava issuing from the crater of Mount Vesuvius, and carrying devastation and ruin in its track. Now, how is it possible for any Englishman that has a particle of love for his country, to sit still and see the land inundated with sedition and profaneness, and not lift his voice against the prevailing sin of the times? Especially-how is it possible for one who I had meant to have given a much fuller account LIBERTY AND EQUALITY. speaker that took the opposite side. Now once "In former days, when the belly and the other never speak again, if he took in the least bit of Now it is easy to understand what this witty I never hear this cry but I think of that celebrated old Fable, called "the Belly and the Members." I dare say you have all heard of the ancient Romans. They were a fine set of fellows, very fond of liberty, and could kick up a row upon an occasion in far better style than your modern Radicals. They did'nt go about burning the houses of their inoffensive fellow-consequence of the long wars that the nation citizens. They had too generous and noble a spirit: when they thought they had any grievances that wanted redress, they sent up their petitions to the Parliament House in a manly had been engaged in, that the people began to In spite to the belly; and were to band together The Romans were a reasonable, quick-sighted people, and they immediately saw the truth of the lesson which the fable was designed to teach ; and they returned to order and obedience, and went about every man his proper business, serving his country by doing his proper work in his proper station, and then all went on well; whereas if they had persevered in their riotous ways, the whole body politic would soon have been brought to ruin. Now, my friends, I put it to you, whether we have not need to learn the same lesson at the and wickedly talking about refusing to pay taxes I have heard of people foolishly present time. if this and that demand be not complied with: perhaps they don't know that to refuse to pay taxes in our country is treason! but let that pass. What I wish to impress on your minds, is the folly of such a course, as if the government of the country could possibly go on without supplies; and as if any country could long exist without a government. No, no, my friends! be assured that for the people to refuse to bear their share of the burdens of the state, is as foolish and destructive, as for the hands and feet to refuse to work for the belly; all would be brought to ruin together. But I know what some of you will say to all this. You will say, This is nothing to us, we are willing to support government; but we are not willing to labour and toil for ten or twelve shillings a week, for a master who does nothing but just look on, and gets hundreds or even thousands a Now, my good fellows, year by our labour. don't you see that the fable just applies to your Don't you know that there can be no case. masters to find workmen, if there be no them work, and that there can be no masters to find materials and to get orders, unless there's a capital, as they say; that is, there must be a rich man over the business, to erect the premises and to buy the materials, and to look out for customers, in order that the operatives may have work. This rich master-tradesman is like the sup belly in the midst of the members. He is the belly, the operatives are the limbs. Now pose the operatives say, "No! we wont work for that fat, corpulent, idle-looking fellow!" let him do the work himself if he can; why should we drudge and toil to grease his fat sides?" Well! so they agree among themselves and come to a strike, or perhaps they go farther and turn mutinous-and what comes of it? why, the furnace is put out of blast, the saw-pits are closed and left to fill with water, the half-finished ship lies rotting on the stocks, the wheels that used to go so merrily round, lie silent and dead. | The master-tradesman feels it to be sure-his trade is ruined, his custom is gone, and his fat sides are brought down to a skeleton; but meanwhile what becomes of the operatives? They that thought twelve shillings or perhaps twenty shillings a week too little, must go to the parish, or be reduced to beggary. The fact is, there must be the distinction of high and low, rich and poor, masters and servants; and its as great folly for the operatives to cast an evil eye at their rich masters as it would be for the hands to refuse to carry bread to the mouth for the sustaining of the body, or for the legs to refuse to carry it about. The bible teaches us the same lesson by almost the same similitude. 1 Cor. xii. 21. "The eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee; nor again the head to the foot, I have no need of you." So it is in the body politic. The master is the eye to overlook the work, but he can't say of the hands-the operatives, I have no need of you. Neither on the other hand can the hands—the operatives, say of the head or the eye,—that is of the master, we have no need of thee. Each is necessary to the other, and all are useful and honourable in their proper places; but when one member of the body politic invades the place of the other, then all must be confusion and ruin, from which God preserve us, by inclining all to be peaceable and loyal subjects, and to do their duty in that station of life to which it has pleased God to call them. J. N. BRISTOL RIOTS.-No. 1. [I am happy in having it in my power, thus Dear Cousin Job, The labouring classes of England lost a right Being a resident in the neighbourhood of powerful press applied its mighty lever to the work; and petition after petition travelled to honestly confess it, I believe very many were all London, in favour of "the Bill." If they would alive about the passing of the Bill, who like myself had no very clear notions as to what it great things from it. The Bill, or some bill, will meant, or what reason there was to expect such have lived long enough, to see several "great old Time settle the point. You and I, Cousin, pass one day I suppose, and I am content to let questions" agitated, with vast promise of good to the country, more especially to the labouring classes. The grand consideration however must and frugal, and quiet, and happy, than they be, whether the people are more industrious. were in our recollection, or in your good father's time; for the substantial happiness of the people is the end of good government. Of this at least I am certain, that how good soever the end pro posed may be conceived to be, the means employed to obtain it by unprincipled men are often bad in the extreme. They have their own base and selfish purposes to serve, and the best that can be said of them is that they are of those that say, "let us do evil that good may come;" and to such as do so St. Paul gives a hard blow in Rom. iii. S. Fair promises are held out of a new and improved political system, bringing smiling peace and plenty in its train. Meanwhile the country is kept in a hubbub, and the working man idle, losing his wages. The doctrines, and principles, and advice, urged upon him in newspapers, political registers, and the low publications of the infidel press, lead him to neglect and despise the important and truly honourable duties of his humble sphere, in the faithful discharge of which, consists his own solid happiness and the prosperity of the nation at large. He is flattered and cajoled into the meddle in politics and elections, in making laws conceit that his chief and proper business is to and governing, instead of plying his trade, obeying the laws, and enjoying their protection. The lowest pot-house politician who figures in a Bristol riot, is lifted to the same pinnacle with the peer of the realm; and while those necessary and useful distinctions of rank and property, which naturally grow with the growth of every well-ordered state, are set at nought, so also are Sir Charles is also a member of Parliament, differences of character. The wisest and best and in his place in the House of Commons, he men are put on the same level with the most opposed the passing of the Reform Bill, the great ignorant and most profligate. Such are the political question of the day. In county, and doctrines industriously spread by the wicked town, and village, there had been public meet-mercenary venders of treason and blasphemy, ings, and long and fiery speeches; the press, the and broached in periodicals of a higher grade. Your affectionate Cousin, A PLAIN ACCOUNT OF THE RIOTS AT On the three last days of October, 1831. opening of the Commission of Assize was ap- I read not long since of a curious experiment tracy ought never to be a politician, as such a magis- Secretary of State in London, as to the state of in gardening. The trial was made with a species dence, without which he will always be found incom- public feeling, it was nevertheless determined of willow.-The plant was pulled up, its top-petent to preserve the public peace. They would, most branches were placed in the ground and the roots upwards. Such were the wonderful efforts of nature to support it in this unsightly and unnatural position, that the sapling after a while struck root, and put forth a few stripling branches. These knaves would have it, that the strong and stately British oak can only flourish after the same fashion. You, the labouring classes, are the roots that draw nourishment Creator. It was well known that some of these mischievous spirits were actively at work before the time fixed for the gaol delivery in Bristol. I have heard that, there are at least eight depositories for infidel and treasonable tracts in different quarters of the town, and that meetings of the same character are held, at which the mem therefore, recommend to the Corporation the immediate Oct. 25, 1831. Political Unions have since been declared un that the administration of justice should proceed in its regular course. Some soldiers were sent to the neighbourhood lest the civil force should prove insufficient to keep the peace. Two troops of the 14th Light Dragoons were quartered at Clifton, and one troop of the 3rd Dragoon Guards at Keynsham; in all about seventy men, to be employed only in case of necessity. On Thursday the 27th, the magistrates published the following address.— from the mother earth, and fix the noble stem lawful by a Royal proclamation, and are alluded immoveable. Without you it could not put to in the King's late Speech at the opening of through various channels, that some indiscreet persons "It being apprehended from information received forth its spreading boughs covered with the Parliament, as combinations which in their may be inclined to promote feelings of irritation and leaves of summer. Nor are these only for glory" form and character are incompatible with all excitement on the arrival of the Recorder in this and for beauty. They receive the air and light, regular government, and are equally opposed that all classes of their fellow-citizens however they city, the Mayor and Aldermen most earnestly hope the dew and rain of heaven; they prepare the to the spirit and to the provisions of the law." may differ on political subjects, will see the propriety vital sap to return through the tree down to the I shall therefore make free to remark upon this of cordially co-operating to maintain peace and good roots again. All are useful; all are beautiful in manifesto, as calculated to cause the riots it any declaration of their opinions on so solemn and order: and that they will abstain from manifesting the situation appointed them by the all-wise pretended to dissuade from. Can any honest important an occasion as the delivery of his Majesty's The levellers and revolutionists say sensible man read it, and not see through the tried for offences against the laws of their country. Gaol, in cases affecting the lives of the persons to be that the tree would flourish better if laid pros- thin disguise? The magistrates are represented The Magistrates confidently hope that they may trate on the ground, or turned topsy turvy. Do as unfit for their offices. They ought to resign rely on the good sense and discretion of the inhabiyou believe them? tants, not to depart from that orderly conduct which that others may be elected by the votes of their has hitherto prevailed in the city; but should any fellow citizens. Surely members of the Politi-disposition be shown, tending to create disturbance, cal Union did not mean to supplant them, for they feel it will become their imperative duty to use all lawful means for the apprehending and bringing they are Politicians! and a “man clothed in to punishment all persons who may be found comthe robes of magistracy ought never to be a mitting any breach of the peace, or other illegal act.” politician!" Sir Charles Wetherell, a member On the morning of the 29th, the troops of Parliament, who expresses his opinions in marched by the outskirts of the town into the bers, afraid to trust each other, if not ashamed sack does in another way, is disqualified, say one way as the Lord Chancellor on the wool-court-yard of the gaol, and the interior of the of themselves, attend in masks. I have seen they, from being a magistrate and a Judge. some of their tracts printed in the usual way, or The maxim of the authors of the placard would on pocket handkerchiefs, for greater durability; certainly go to exclude many whom they would and the sight of the deadly moral poison made not wish to exclude, and themselves also. my blood run cold. Traitors and infidels well However, these politicians do not hesitate to know this Divine truth. "From within, out of take upon themselves the duties of magistrates, the heart of man, proceed evil thoughts, adul- for they dictate, as if sitting in Council, what is, teries, fornications, murders, thefts, coveteous- and what is not to be done. Soldiers ought ness, wickedness, deceit, lasciviousness, an evil not to be in readiness in case of riot. The eye, blasphemy, pride, foolishness." In plotting Judge appointed by the King is unfit for his mischief they begin by providing means to coroffice, and so are the magistrates. rupt the hearts of the people. commend them to resign immediately. The propounders of the modern political advice was good, it might have been " doctrines were not idle. The following placard was issued :— "The Council of the Union have heard with feelings of surprise, that the Corporation have requested and obtained the assistance of armed troops, for the purpose of conducting Sir C. Wetherell, in his judicial capacity, into this city. It is the opinion of this Council that if the magistracy of this city feel themselves incompetent to preserve the public peace without being supported by the military, they should resign their offices, and suffer the civic authorities to be elected by a majority of the votes of their fellow-citizens. The Council think that a man clothed in the robes of magis We re- recom Sir Charles Wetherell was met at half-past ten cattle market, where they remained out of sight. in the forenoon, about a mile from the guildhall, mended" privately. To post it on the walls [To be continued. |