dolph their president, and Charles Thomson their secretary. It was agreed, as one of the rules of their doing business, that no entry should be made in their journals of any propositions discussed before them, to which they did not finally assent.

The first act of congress. was an approbation of the conduct of Massachusetts Bay, and an exhortation to continue in the same spirit with which they had begun. Supplies for the suffering inhabitants (whom the operation of the port bill had reduced to great distress) were strongly recommended; and it was declared, that in case of attempts to enforce the obnoxious acts by arms, all America should join to assist the town of Boston; and, should the inhabitants be obliged, during the course of hostilities, to remove farther up the country, the losses they might sustain should be repaired at the public expense.

They next addressed General Gage by letter; in which, having stated the grievances of the people of Massachusetts colony, they informed him of the fixed and unalterable determination of all the other provinces to support their brethren and to oppose the British acts of parliament; that they themselves were appointed to watch over the liberties of America; and intreated him to desist from military operations, lest such hostilities might be brought on as would frustrate all hopes of reconciliation with the parent state.

The next step was to publish a declaration of their rights. These they summed up in the rights belonging to Englishmen; and particularly insisted, that as their distance rendered it impossible for them to be represented in the British parliament, their provincial assemblies, with the governor appointed by the king, constituted the only legislative power within each prov. ince. They then marked the line between the supremacy of parliament, and the independency of the colonial legislatures, by provisoes and restrictions, expressed in the following words: "But from the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual interests of both countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British parliament, as are bona fide restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of its respective members, excluding every idea of taxation, internal and external, for raising a revenue on the subjects of America without their consent."

Doctor Ramsay remarks, that "this was the very hinge of the controversy. The absolute, unlimited su

premacy of the British parliament, both in legislation and taxation, was contended for on one side; while on the other, no farther authority was conceded than such a limited legislation, with regard to external commerce, as would combine the interest of the whole empire.In government, as well as in religion, there are mysteries, from the close investigation of which little advantage can be expected. From the unity of the empire it was necessary, that some acts should extend over the whole. From the local situation of the colonies it was equally reasonable that their legislatures should at least in some matters be independent. Where the supremacy of the first ended and the independency of the last began, was to the best informed a puzzling question. Happy would it have been for both countries, had the discussion of this doubtful point never been attempted."

They proceeded to reprobate the intention of each of the new acts of parliament; and insisted on all the rights they had enumerated as being unalienable, and what none could deprive them of. The Canada act they particularly pointed out as being extremely inimical to the colonies, by whose assistance it had been conquered; and they termed it "An act for establish. ing the Roman Catholic religion in Canada, abolishing the equitable system of English laws, and establishing a tyranny there." They further declared in favour of a non importation and non consumption of British Goods, until the acts were repealed by which duties were imposed upon tea, coffee, wine, sugar, and molasses, imported into America, as well as the Boston port act, and the three others passed in the preceding session of parliament. The new regulations against the importation and consumption of British commódities were then drawn up with great solemnity; and they concluded with returning the warmest thanks to those members of parliament who had; with so much zeal, though without any success, opposed the obnoxious acts of parliament.

Their next proceedings were to frame a petition to the king, a memorial to the British nation, an address to the colonies, and another to the inhabitants of the province of Quebec. They were all drawn up in a masterly manner, and ought to have impressed the people of Britain with a more favourable idea of the Americans. than they could at that time be induced to entertain. The petition to the king was as follows:

"MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,

We, your majesty's faithful subjects of the colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island

and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the counties of New Castle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina, in behalf of ourselves and the inhabitants of these colonies, who have deputed us to represent them in general congress, by this our humble petition beg leave to lay our grievances before the throne.

A standing army has been kept in these colonies ev. er since the conclusion of the late war, without the consent of our assemblies; and this army, with a considerable naval armament, has been employed to enforce the collection of taxes.

The authority of the commander in chief, and under him of the brigadiers generals, has in time of peace, been rendered supreme in all the civil governments of America.

The commander in chief of your majesty's forces in North America, has, in time of peace, been appointed governor of a colony.

The charges of usual offices have been greatly increased; and new, expensive and oppressive offices have been multiplied.

The judges of admiralty, and vice admiralty courts are empowered to receive their salaries and fees, from the effects condemned by themselves.

The officers of the customs are empowered to break open and enter houses, without the authority of any civil magistrate, founded on legal information.

The judges of courts of common law have been made entirely dependent on one part of the legislature for their salaries, as well as for the duration of their commissions.

Counsellors holding commissions during pleasure exercise legislative authority.

Humble and reasonable petitions from the representatives of the people have been fruitless.

The agents of the people have been discountenanced, and governors have been instructed to prevent the payment of their salaries.

Assemblies have been repeatedly and injuriously dissolved.

Commerce has been burdened with many useless and oppressive restrictions.

By several acts of parliament made in the fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh and eigth years of your majesty's reign, duties are imposed on us, for the purpose of raising a revenue; and the powers of admiralty and vice admiralty are extended beyond their ancient limits; whereby our property is taken from us without our consent, the

trial by jury in many civil cases is abolished, enormous forfeitures are incurred for slight offences, vexatious informers are exempted from paying damages, to which they are justly liable, and oppressive security is required from owners before they are allowed to defend their rights.

Both houses of parliament have resolved that colonists may be tried in England for offences alleged to have been committed in America, by virtue of a statute passed in the thirty-fifth year of Henry the eighth ; and in consequence thereof attempts have been made to enforce that statute.

A statute was passed in the twelfth year of your ma. jesty's reign, directing that persons charged with committing any offence therein described, in any place out of the realm, may be indicted and tried for the same, in any shire or county within the realm, whereby inhabitants of these colonies may, in sundry cases by that statute made capital, be deprived of trial by a their peers of the vicinage.

In the last session of parliament an act was passed for blocking up the harbour of Boston; another, empowering the governor of Massachusetts Bay to send persons indicted for murder in that province to another colony, or even to Great Britain for trial, whereby such offenders may escape legal punishment; a third, for altering the chartered constitution of government in that prov ince; and a fourth, for extending the limits of Quebec, abolishing the English, and restoring the French laws, whereby great numbers of British freemen are subjected to the latter; and establishing an absolute government, and the Roman Catholic religion, throughout those vast regions that border on the westerly and northly boundaries of the free, protestant, English settlements; and a fifth, for the better providing suitable quarters for officers and soldiers in his majesty's service in North America.

To a sovereign who glories in the name of Briton, the bare recital of these acts must, we presume, justify the loyal subjects who fly to the foot of the throne, and implore his clemency for protection against them.

From this destructive system of colony administration, adopted since the conclusion of the last war, have flowed those distresses, dangers, fears and jealousies, that overwhelm your majesty's dutiful colonists with affliction; and we defy our most subtle and inveterate enemies to trace the unhappy differences between Great Britain and these colonies, from an earlier period, or from other causes than we have assigned.

Had they proceeded on our part from a restless lev

ity of temper, unjust impulses of ambition, or artful sug. gestions of seditious persons, we should merit the opprobious terms frequently bestowed upon us by those we revere. But so far from promoting innovations, we have only opposed them; and can be charged with no of fence, unless it be one to receive injuries and be sensible of them.

Had our Creator been pleased to give us existence in a land of slavery, the sense of our condition might have been mitigated by ignorance and habit. But thanks be to his adorable goodness, we are born the heirs of freedom, and ever enjoyed our rights under the auspices of your royal ancestors, whose family was seated on the British throne, to rescue and secure a pious and gallant nation from the popery and despotism of a superstitious and inexorable tyrant.

Your majesty, we are confident, justly rejoices, that your title to the crown is thus founded on the title of your people to liberty; and therefore we doubt not but your royal wisdom must approve the sensibility, that teaches your subjects anxiously to guard the blessings they received from divine Providence, and thereby to prove the performance of that compact, which elevated the illustrious house of Brunswick to the imperial dignity it now possesses.

The apprehension of being degraded into a state of servitude, from the preeminent rank of English freemen, while our minds retain the strongest love of liberty, and clearly foresee the miseries preparing for us and our posterity, excites emotions in our breasts, which, though we cannot describe, we should not wish to conceal. Feeling as men, and thinking as subjects, in the manner we do, silence would be disloyalty. By giving this faithful, information, we do all in our power to promote the great objects of your royal cares, the tranquillity of your government, and the welfare of your people.

Duty to your majesty, and regard for the preservation of ourselves and our posterity, the primary obligations of nature and society, command us to entreat your royal attention. And as your majesty enjoys the signal distinction of reigning over freemen, we apprehend the language of freemen cannot be displeasing.

Your royal indignation, we hope, will rather fall on those designing and dangerous men, who, daringly interposing themselves between your royal person and your faithful subjects, and for several years past incessantly employed to dissolve the bonds of society, by abusing your majesty's authority, misrepresenting your