It was thus that he addressed the clergy of Sicily, while, at the same time, he prepared to reduce that province, together with the kingdom of Naples, under his own immediate government, and attach it in perpetuity to the dominions of the Church. In pursuance of this project, he quitted Lyons, his constant residence during the uncertainties of the war, and visited, in a sort of triumphal procession, the Guelphic cities of Italy. He was everywhere received with an enthusiasm which he had not merited by any regard for any interests except his own; and he is even supposed somewhat to have chilled the misplaced gratitude of his allies by the unexpected assertion of some spiritual pretensions over themselves. In Sicily, and the south of Italy, he succeeded in creating a powerful party; but it was overthrown by the arms of Conrad and Manfred, the sons of Frederic. Foiled by force, the Pope had recourse to intrigue; and he began to treat successively with the kings of England and France, with a view to bestow the crown of the Sicilies on a branch either of the one family or the other. In the meantime, the death of Conrad revived in him the expiring hope of uniting it to his own. Ambition resumed her sway; and he broke off the imperfect negotiations. The kingdom of Naples was again thronged with his emissaries; seditions were in every quarter excited in his favour; and even Manfred himself, in the belief that resistance would be vain, advanced to the frontiers to offer his submission, and deigned to lead by the bridle the horse of the pontiff as he crossed the Garigliano. This event, which seemed to secure to the Court of Rome the throne of Naples and Sicily, and thus to extend its dominions beyond any limits which it had at any time reached, or, till lately, aspired to, took place in the summer of 1254. The duration of this unnatural prosperity was even shorter than could have been predicted by the most penetrating statesman; for before the conclusion of the very same year, Manfred had again pos⚫ sessed himself of the keys of the kingdom. But Innocent did not live to witness this second reverse; -he had already expired † at Naples, in mature old age, and in the confident persuasion that he had achieved the dearest object of his ambition, and that he died the most powerful prince who had ever filled the throne of St. Peter. During a pontificate of eleven years and five months, he had displayed On the departure of the Pope from Lyons, the Cardinal Hugo made a valedictory address to all the population of both sexes; and it contained the following sentence: Amici, magnam fecimus, postquam in hanc Urbem venimus, utilitatem et eleemosynam. Quando enim primo huc venimus, tria vel quattuor prostibula invenimus. Sed nunc recedentes unum solum relinquimus. Verum ipsum durat continuatum ab orientali parte civitatis usque ad occidentalem.' This is related as fact by Matthew Paris. Ad ann. 1251. Soon after Innocent's death, (of which the exact day, it is proper to remark, is disputed-Pagi, Inn. IV., sec. lxv.) a cardinal had the following vision. He saw a noble matron, on whose brow the word Ecclesia was written, present her petition at the Judgment-seat, saying, Justissime Judex, justè judica. She then brought forward these charges against Innocent IV. (1.) At the foundation of the Church, Thou didst give it liberties proceeding from Thyself; but he has made it the vilest of slaves, (ancillam vilissimam). (2.) It was founded to benefit the souls of the miserable;-he has made it a table of money-gatherers. (3.) It was founded in Faith, Justice, and Truth ;-but he has staggered Faith, destroyed Justice, and clouded Truth. Justum ergo judicium redde mihi. Then the Lord said to him, Go and receive thy reward according to thy merits. And thus he was carried away. The cardinal then woke, through the terror of this sentence, and shouted so loud, as to excite the suspicion of insanity. Ista visio (continues Matthew Paris) (nescitur si fantastica) multos perterruit; et utinam cum effectu castigans emendavit. That it was generally propagated, and perhaps believed at the time, is sufficient to prove to us (if we needed indirect proof) what was the sort of reputation which Iunocent IV. possessed among his contemporaries. all the qualities which consummate an artful politician, and which disgrace a bishop and a Christian. As a statesman, he deThe Character of signed daringly, he negotiated skilfully, he intrigued Innocent IV. successfully; he perfectly comprehended the means at his disposal, and adapted them so closely to his purposes, that his reign presented a series of those triumphs* which are usually designated glorious. As a churchman, he bade defiance to the best principles of his religion; he set at nought the common feelings of humanity. The spiritual guide to eternal life, he had no fixed motive of action, except vulgar temporal ambition. The servant of the servants of God,' he rejected with scorn the humiliation of Frederic †, and spurned a suppliant emperor, who had been his friend. And lastly, when the infant son of Conrad was presented to his tutelary protection by a dying father, the prayer was haughtily refused; and the father of all Christians, and the protector of all orphans,' hastened to usurp the hereditary rights of a Christian child and orphan. These circumstances duly considered, with every allowance for times and prejudices, seem, indeed, almost to justify the expression of the sultan of Egypt, in his answer to a letter of Innocent-the taunt of a a Mussulman addressed to Christ's vicar upon earth ;—'We have received your epistle, and listened to your envoy he has spoken to us of Jesus Christ-whom we know better than you know, and whom we honour more than you honour him ‡.' Alexander IV. succeeded to the chair, to the passions, and to the pro jects of Innocent; and it was the leading object of his Alexander IV. reign of six years to maintain or recover the temporal possession of the kingdom of Manfred. But he possessed neither the firmness of character nor the various talents necessary for success. The machine, which had not always moved obediently even to the hand of Innocent, seemed to lose, in his feebler grasp, all the elasticity of its action; and it became evident, before the end of his pontificate, that the sceptre of Naples and Sicily was not destined to a bishop of Rome. At the same time, Alexander was celebrated for the exercise of some of those virtues, which were not found in his predecessor for earnestness of piety, or, at least, for assiduity in prayer, and the strict observance of Church regulations §. The favours which he bestowed upon the Mendicant orders will prove his zeal, indeed, rather than the wisdom of his policy. But the Crusade which he preached, from whatsoever motive, against Eccelino, the tyrant, was almost justified *We should mention, however, that the fall of Frederic is not wholly attributable to Innocent's influence. A very strong republican and anti-imperial spirit previously prevailed in many, especially the northern, cities of Italy, which the Pope could not have created, though he very well knew how to avail himself of it. Another remark we may here make-that Innocent was much more successful in fomenting seditions, and making parties in foreign states, than in securing the subordination of his own capital. There were few cities in Italy where he had less influence than at Rome; which may account for his continual absence from it. See Sismondi, Rep. Ital., chap. xviii. Matthew Paris, Hist. Angliæ, ann. 1254. + Sismondi, Rep. Ital., chap. xvii. De quo Christo plus scimus quam vos sciatis, et magnificamus eum plusquam vos magnificatis. Bzov., Anu. Eccles., ad ann. 1264. Matthew Paris, Hist. ad ann. eundem. The letter is a very sensible composition, and deals very directly with the subjects on which it treats. § Alexander IV. is thus characterised by Matthew Paris ;-Satis benignus et bene religiosus; assiduus in orationibus, in abstinentia strenuus, sed sibilis adulantium seducibilis et pravis avarorum suggestionibus inclinitivus. Pagi is very much offended by the qualification of the praise. by the crimes of that miscreant; for though a war proclaimed in the name of God' is, in most instances, only wickedness cloaked by blasphemy, yet we may view it with some indulgence, when it is directed against the convicted enemy of mankind. Urban IV. and Clement IV. For the seven following years (from 1261 to 1268) the chair was occupied by two Frenchmen, Urban IV. and Clement IV., who have obtained an eminent place in civil as well as ecclesiastical history, by the introduction of Charles of Anjou to the throne of Naples. Whether from personal hostility to the actual occupant of that throne, or from ecclesiastical rancour against the son of Frederic, or from a political determination to cut off all connexion between the south of Italy and the empire, or from all these causes united, the holy See, by whomsoever administered, did not remit or relax its exertions for the expulsion of Manfred. The negotiations with the court of France, which Innocent IV. had commenced and interrupted, were renewed and concluded by Urban IV.; and during the following reign of Clement, the Crusade against a legitimate and virtuous monarch was completed with the most sanguinary success. The brother of St.. Louis supported his usurpation by the same merciless sword which had achieved it; and the historians of Italy still recount, with tears of indignation, the more than usual horrors of the French invasion. But, however strong this Pope's nationality may have been, it did not cause him to forget his papal interests. The conditions which he exacted from Charles, on investing him with the crown of Naples, contained most of the claims then in dispute between kings and popes, such as the unqualified appointment to vacant sees, the exclusive care of the temporalities during vacancy, and even the abolition of all pretensions rising from the regalia *. Gregory X, On the death of Clement, the See was vacant, through the disunion of the cardinals, for nearly three years. At length, in 1273, an Italian, a native of Piacenza, was elected, and assumed the name of Gregory X.—' a person (says Fleury †) of little learning, but of great experience in secular affairs, and more given to the distribution of alms, than the amassing of riches.' He was in the Holy Land at the time of his appointment; and as he returned with a keen and recent impression of its sufferings, and with an enthusiasm freshly kindled by that spectacle, the first act of his pontificate was directed to the revival of the crusading ardour; and the same continued to the end of his life to be the favourite object of his exertions. He was successful, because he was sincere. Those, who cared not for his reasoning, listened to his disinterested supplications; those who were not inflamed by his enthusiasm, still respected and loved it. It was no longer against a Christian sectarian, or a Catholic Emperor and his *See Giannone, Stor. di Nap., lib. xix., cap. v. In a Bull, dated in 1266, he declared that the disposition of all benefices rightfully belonged to the Pope. The claims of the princes were supported by a decree of the Council of Lyons. See Dupin, Siècle xiii., sec. x. That author observes generally that commendams of benefices, and the distinction between simple benefices and those with cure of souls, were the introduction of this age; and that the jurisdiction, privileges, and immunities of the clergy, were thus extended as far as possible. Pluralities were strictly prohibited, and commonly enjoyed. On the other hand, ecclesiastics were compelled to contribute, not only to the real or pretended necessities of the church, but frequently, under one pretext or other, to the exigencies of the state. Hence their murmurs and discontent. The possession and enjoyment was the habit and the right-the contribution was novel and vexatious. t Hist. Eccl., lib. lxxxvi, sec. xvii, persecuted race, that the monarchs of Europe were called upon to arm; it was no longer for the peculiar aggrandizement of the Court or Church of Rome, that the father of Christians summoned them to battle; they had already learnt to distinguish between the interests of the Vatican and the honour of Christ; and the magic which a spiritual Pope had so long exercised over the human mind, lost much of its fascination and power, as soon as he degenerated into a temporal prince. But Gregory X. had higher and less ambiguous claims on the gratitude of Christendom than any zeal for the deliverance of Palestine could possibly give him. He laboured to compose the dissensions of his distracted country; to heal the wounds which had been so wantonly inflicted by the selfish ambition of his predecessors. He interposed, impartially, and therefore not vainly, to reconcile the opposite factions of Guelphs and Ghibelines; and exhibited to them the new and venerable spectacle of a pacific Pope. He interposed too in the affairs of the empire; but it was again for the purpose of terminating a division which threatened the peace of Germany; and he proved the sincerity of his intention by confirming the election of Rodolph, who had secured and deserved the affections of his people. Another project, on which he was bent with like earnestness, had the same respectable character, the reconciliation of the Greek and Latin Churches; and in this difficult affair he also obtained a complete (though very transient) success, by the concessions of the Emperor Michael, and the temporary or nominal submission of his Church. The Second Council of Lyons. preparations for this It was at the second Council of Lyons, that the deputies of the East presented their faithless homage to the Roman pontiff. But that prelate had two other, and, perhaps, dearer objects, in the summoning of that vast assembly †. The one was to complete the long-projected Crusade; the other was the worthier of his wisdom, and even of his piety-to reform the obnoxious abuses of his Church. In the course of the six sessions of the Council, thirtyone constitutions were enacted for the better administration of the Church, and they did honour at least to the intentions of those who promulgated them. Some eight or ten of these related to the election of bishops; several others to cures and benefices, to the discipline or temporalities of the Church. Another (the 21st) was levelled against the unlimited * Leonardus Aretinus (Histor. Florent. lib. iii. p. 48, edit. Argent, 1610) bears ample testimony to the sanctity and pacific character of Gregory, and details the circumstances of his attempt to reconcile parties at Florence. The following is given as part of his address to the citizens :-Quæ est igitur hæc tam præpotens causa? Quod Guelphus est (inquit) aut Gibellinus-nomina ne ipsis quidem qui illa proferunt nota!-Ea nimirum causa est cur cives necantur, domus incenduntur, evertitur patria, sititur proximi sanguis. Oh puerilem stultitiam! oh amentiam non ferendam! Gibellinus est-at Christianus, at civis, at proximus, at consanguineus. Ergo hæc tot et tam valida conjunctionis nomina Gibellinis succumbent? Et id unum atque inane nomen (nam quid significet nemo intelligit) plus valebit ad odium, quam ista omnia tam præclara et tam solida et expressa ad caritatem, &c. These sentiments (the historian adds) were grateful to the multitude, but displeased the aristocracy. The Pope was then obliged to lay the city under an interdict; and his admirable intentions involved him in an obstinate contest with the nobles. But any doubts which might still remain respecting his sanctity were removed (as Leonardus gravely asserts) by the numerous miracles performed at his tomb. Five hundred bishops, seventy mitred abbots, and a thousand inferior clergy and theologians composed this Council, assembled in 1274. The legates of Michael the Greek Emperor, and of the King of the Tartars were present. Also the ambassadors of France, Germany, England, Sicily, &c., and one Prince, James of Arragon, Pagi, Greg, X., 6. XXV, growth of Mendicant orders; disbanding all, which had not formally received the papal confirmation, and discouraging the foundation of others. But that among the acts of this assembly, which was at the time the most celebrated, and perhaps in effect the most permanent, was the law which regulated the method of papal election, by severe restraints imposed upon the conclave *. It was then enacted, that the cardinals should be lodged in one chamber, without any separation of wall or curtain, or any issue-that the chamber should be so closed on every side, as to leave no possibility of entrance or exit. No one shall approach them or address them privately, unless with the consent of all present, and on the business of the election. The conclave (properly the name of the chamber) shall have one window, through which necessary food may be admitted, without there being space for the human body to enter. And if (which God forbid) in three days after their entrance they shall not yet have come to a decision, for the fifteen following days they shall be contented with a single dish, as well for dinner as for supper. But after these fifteen days they shall have no other nourishment than bread, wine and water, until the election shall be made. During the election, they shall receive nothing from the apostolical chamber, nor any other revenues of the Roman Church.' The expedition to Palestine gave promise of the most favourable issue. The Emperor Rodolph had engaged to conduct it; Philip the Hardy, King of France, Edward of England, James of Arragon, and Charles of Sicily, had pledged their faith to attend it: supplies had been secured by the universal imposition of a tax on Ecclesiastical property; and the following year was devoted to the necessary preparations. At the end of that year †, before one galley had departed, or perhaps one soldier embarked, the Pope himself fell sick and died. From that moment (says Sismondi) the kings into whom he had inspired his enthusiasm, renounced their chivalrous projects; the Greeks returned to their schisms, and the Catholics, divided afresh, turned against each other those arms which they had consecrated to the deliverance of Palestine. Intended Crusade, and Nicholas III. The short reigns of Innocent V., Adrian V. and John XXI., were not distinguished by any memorable event. Nicholas III., a Roman of the family of the Ursini, succeeded in 1277, and devoted himself with great prudence and success, not so much to enlarge the temporal edifice of his church, as to secure the foundations on which it stood. For that purpose he resumed some negotiations, commenced by Gregory X. at Lyons, with Rodolph, King of the Romans, and brought them to so fortunate a termination, that that prince finally satisfied all the donations of preceding Emperors, and recognized the cities of the ecclesiastical states, as being absolutely independent of himself, and owing their entire allegiance to the Pope. Nicholas had another object of jealousy in the increasing power of Charles, King of Sicily, and he had the address to engage that prince * Pagi, Vit. Greg. X. sect. xli. Fleury, liv. lxxxvi., sect. xlv. It was quite obvious that, as men and cardinals are constituted, these regulations could not be enforced rigorously. But with some modifications they subsist even to this moment. † In January, 1276. The art with which he played off the Emperor and King of Sicily against each other, until he obtained all that he required from both, was worthy of the most refined ages of papal diplomacy. See Sismondi, Rep. Ital, chap. xxii, ann. 1277, 1278. |