manner," so as to constitute, it seems, "an axiom" in the Philosophy of Labour. But to cite Major Moody as a clear reasoner, nay, as a propounder of axioms which are to pass current in the world, seems an aberration of the same kind which has made Mr. Brougham responsible for an opinion uttered in youth, and long since disavowed; or which exhibits it as a necessary corollary from the call of that gentleman, or of any other, for early and entire abolition, that he should exclude all consideration of equitable compensation to the planters. We hardly expected to have seen Major Moody again quoted as an authority, by any reasonable person, since the publication of the Edinburgh Review, No. XC. And although the right hon. gentleman might be excused for a feeling of partiality towards the views of the Major, yet we should hardly have expected that he would refer to him as a decisive umpire in this controversy. We cannot discover another syllable in this pamphlet which requires from us the slightest notice. All that remains is a prolongation of the battle with shadows, which, from first to last, characterizes the productions of our author on this question. Before we close this article, we beg to assure the right honourable gentleman, that it is with great reluctance we have been compelled by his new attack upon us once more to enter the lists of controversy against him. Whether the pamphlet before us will add to his reputation as a statesman, we leave to others to determine. It must, at least, have the effect of confirming and perpetuating, in the public mind, the impression of his unfriendly feeling towards the cause of negro freedom, which was created by his former writings, and by the general tenor of his official conduct. He has, it is true, disclaimed any such feeling, and has denounced its imputation as unwarranted and unjust. And yet, how is the public to form a judgment of public men but by their public conduct? And when they have seen the right honourable gentleman uniformly palliating or defending in parliament colonial abuse or outrage; and when they have also seen his writings, either selected by the colonial club for insertion in their list of works favourable to the colonial cause, or received with acclamation by every colonial coterie, and lauded in every colonial journal; what other conclusion was it possible for him to expect they should come to, but that to which they have come? His present pamphlet, he must allow, is not calculated to efface the impression of which he has so loudly complained, and he must therefore be content, without some great change in his views and conduct, to rank in public estimation among the chief advocates of colonial bondage; second to none, indeed, in talent; and in zeal, inferior only to such men as Macqueen and Moody, as Barclay and Macdonnell. But as the right hon. gentleman appears to have taken his side in this controversy, we recommend it to him no longer to waste his strength in combating the comparatively puny efforts of the AntiSlavery Reporter; but to grapple at once with an antagonist worthy of him, we mean Mr. Stephen, the refutation of whose recent work on slavery will afford abundant scope to the exertion of all his talents; and may supply him with a large fund of materials for the series of letters with which he threatens the freeholders of Yorkshire. We are forcibly reminded, by the names of the four colonial champions just mentioned, as well as by the work we have now reviewed, of some propositions which, three or four years ago, we deduced from their publications of that period, in conjunction with the former pamphlet of the right hon. gentleman. One of these propositions was:-(see Reporter, No. 11, p. 170.) "That though it is admitted that the British nation and the colonists have been guilty of a great crime, in subjecting the negroes to slavery, yet compensation is due, not from the criminals to each other, or to the victims of their crime, but is due from the negroes to their oppressors; and that, in order to furnish this compensation to the criminals, the unoffending victims of their crime must be retained for ages, if need be, in their present abject and degraded state." Now it is somewhat remarkable, that, after the lapse of nearly four years, we should have another pamphlet from the pen of the right hon. gentleman, treating of negro slavery in a manner perfectly justifying this proposition.-On the claim of the injured and outraged negro to compensation, he bestows not one thought, nor, on his forlorn and helpless condition, even one passing glance of pity. He bestows, as before, his undivided anxiety, and expends the whole current of his sympathies, on the possible loss of some fraction of property which may accrue to the master. Here again he and we are widely separated as the poles. Our clear opinion, as we have often stated it, is, that if there be any one party more indubitably entitled to indemnity than another, it is the slave; who, even if the right hon. gentleman's favourite plan of compulsory manumission were carried into full effect, would have this injury added to all his other wrongs, that he is to be condemned to pay, with his coerced labour, the penalty of the criminal conduct of his oppressor. The Third Volume of the Anti-Slavery Reporter being now brought to a close, we take the opportunity of apprizing our readers that, through some typographical oversight, the paging from p. 129 to p. 182 inclusive, has been repeated. The first series of these double numbers comprises Nos. 54, 55, 56, and 57. The second series commences with No. 58.-We know of no better way to obviate the inconvenient effect of this oversight, in quoting from this third volume, than to refer always both to the page of the volume, and to the number of the Reporter. In the Index means will be taken to distinguish the second series of pages from the first. London: S. Bagster, Jun. Printer, 14, Bartholomew Close. INDEX TO ANTI-SLAVERY REPORTER, VOL. III. N. B. The paging of this volume, through some oversight, having been repeated The references to the Notes are distinguished by an asterisk. Abell, Mr. Joshua, 215. Abolition Laws, 49, 51, 52, 403. - of Slavery, 39, 93, 212, 230 Appraisement of Slaves, 138, 131 (No. Arbitrary Power, 112, 142, 423. -267, 269, 319, 462, 467. (See Army in the West Indies: See Mili- Abolitionists, 173, 230, 255, 497. America, 94, 119, 164, 182, 205, 218. Anti-Slavery Reporter, 5, 7, 10, 14, tary Expense. Bacon, Capt. 436. Bahamas, 9, 64, *126, 236, 372. Banana Islands, 167-171 (No. 59.) Bishop of, 172. Barclay, Alexander, *11, 27, 28, 146, Barker, Rev. J. C. 69. Barret, Mr. 174, 182, 200, 236, *347, Barrington, Admiral, 325. Barrow, John, Esq. 139. Bathurst, Earl, *12, 60, 66, 76, 77, 3 Y Baynes, Mr. E. 407. Beamish, Charles, Esq. 82, 390. Belmore, Lord, 174, 374. Bengal Sugar, 79, 80. (See Free La- Bennett, Geo. Esq. 251, 298. Berbice, 59, 62, 65, 135, 136, 324. Bermuda, 65. Bernal, Mr. 2. Bethell, Mr. 367. Betty, 431, 433, 434. Blackwell, General, 77. Blane, Mr. 20. Blyth, Mr. 446. Bolivar, 94. Bounties and Protecting Duties, 128, Boyle, Mr. 96. Bradford Anti-Slavery Meeting, 222. Brazil, 281, 396, 462. Brazilian Slave Trade, 331, 401, 402. 356, 357, 373-382, 431, 440. British Critic, 1. British Peasantry, condition of, com- Buckingham, Mr. 262. Burke, Mr. 239, 242, 321.. Burnett, Rev. Mr. 86—88, 95, 96, 391. Cailla, Mr. 161 (No. 59). Campbell, Sir Neil, 159-164 (No. 59.) 147, 151 (No. 58), 153 (No. 58), Cape of Good Hope, 30, 65, 139–142, Cardin, Mr. 295. Cave, R. Otway, Esq. 14, 15, 335, 339. Chapman, Mr. W. O. 419, 420, 429. Christianity opposed to Slavery, 85, Clarkson, Thos. Esq. 84, 229, 230, Coddrington Estates, 170, 250, 427. Code Rural, of Hayti, 151, 153, 155, Coffee, picking of, 145, 386, 387. Colchester Anti-Slavery Meeting, 445. Colonial Clergy, 110. (See Religious | Cummings, Mr. 390. Instruction.) Colonial Club: See West India Com- mittee. Colonial Judicatures, 2, 55, 82. Colonial Secrets, Revelation of, 33. 458. (Crown,) 61, 62, 129 (No. Commissions of Inquiry, *23, 39, 71, Complaints: See Slaves, Complaints Compulsory labour in Hayti, 151–157. Consolidated Slave Law, 28. Conversion Society, 67, 76, 100, 167— Cooke, Rev. S. H. 383. Cork Anti-Slavery Society, 82-96, 389. Cost of Slavery, 94, 175–178. Cotton, picking of, 386. Cor, Mr. 374, 378, 379. Creighton, Rev. Mr. 219. Cross, Rev. Mr. 215. Crown Colonies: See Colonies (Crown) Cruelty to Slaves, 91, 114, 127, 132 Cuba, 462. |