getful of God, 'taking counsel, but not of him'.' The prophet Isaiah complained much of this presumption, giving the people of Judah to understand, that the Egyptians were men and not God, and their horses flesh, and not spirit;' that God himself should defend Israel upon repentance, and that Ashur should fall by the sword, but not of man.' As for the Egyptians, (said the prophet,) they are vanity, and they shall help in vain, their strength is to sit still.' According to the prophet's words it came to pass: for in the treaty of confederacy that was held at Zoan, all manner of contentment and assurance was given to the Jews, by Sethon, or his agents, who filled them with such reports of horses and chariots, that they did not look, (as saith Isaiah xxxi. 1, 2.) unto the holy one of Israel, not seek unto the Lord; but he yet is wisest.' After a while came Sennacherib with his army, and wakened them out of these dreams; for Sethon, their good neighbour, as near as he was, did seem far off, being unready when his help was most needful. It may seem that he purposed rather to make Palæstina than Egypt the stage whereon this great war should be acted, and was not without hope, that the Assyrians and Jews, weakening one another, should yield unto him a fair advantage over both. Yet he fought with money; for he sent horses and camels laden with treasure, to hire the Arabians, whom Isaiah calleth a people that cannot profit 3.' These Arabians did not profit indeed; for, (besides that it seems by the same place of Isaiah, that the rich treasures miscarried, and fell into the enemies hands before any help appeared from Tirhakah,) all the strong cities of Judah were taken by Sennacherib, except Libnah, Lachis, and Jerusalem itself, which were in sore distress, till the sword of God, and not of man, defeated the Assyrian, who did go, 1 Isaiah xxx. 1. 3 Isaiah xxxi. 3, 8. Isaiah xxxi Isaiah iii. 4. for fear, to his tower, that is, he fled to Nineveh, where he was slain. Concerning this expedition of Sennacherib, Herodotus takes this notice of it; that it was purposed against Egypt, where the men of war, being offended with Sethon their king, who had taken away their allowance, refused to bear arms in defence of him and their country; that Sethon being Vulcan's priest, bemoaned himself to his god, who by dream promised to send him helpers; that hereupon Sethon, with such as would follow him, (which were craftsmen, shop-keepers, and the like,) marched towards Pelusium; and that a great multitude of field-mice, entering the camp of Sennacherib by night, did so gnaw the bows, quivers, and straps of his mens armour, that they were fain the next day to fly away in all haste, finding themselves disarmed. In memory hereof, (saith Herodotus,) the statue of this king is set up in the temple of Vulcan, holding a mouse in his hand, with this inscription: Let him that beholds me, serve God.' Such was the relation of the Egyptian priests, wherein how far they swerved from the truth, being desirous to magnify their own king, it may easily be perceived. It seems that this image of Sethon was fallen down, and the tale forgotten in Diodorus's time, or else, perhaps, the priests did forbear to tell it him, (which caused him to omit it ;) for that the nation of the Jews was then well known to the world, whereof every child could have told how much falsehood had been mingled with the truth. We find this history agreeable to the scriptures, thus far forth That Sennacherib king of the Assyrians and Arabians, (so Herodotus calleth him, the Syrians, or peradventure some borderers upon Syria, being meant by the name of Arabians,) lived in this age, made war upon Egypt, and was miraculously driven home. As for that exploit of the mice, and Isaiah xxxi. 9. the great pleasure that Vulcan did unto his priest, happy it was, (if Sethon were a priest,) that he took his god now in so good a mood. For, within three or four years before this, all the priests in Egypt should have been slain, if a merciful king had not spared their lives, as it were half against the god's will. Therefore this last good turn was not enough to serve as an example, that might stir up the Egyptians to piety, seeing that their devotion, which had lasted so long before, did bring all the priests unto danger of such a bad reward. Rather, I think, that this image did represent Sennacherib himself, and that the mouse in his hand signified hieroglyphically, (as was the Egyptian manner of expressing things,) the shameful issue of his terrible expedition, or the destruction of his army, by means which came, no man knew from whence. For the vengeance of God, shewed upon this ungodly king, was indeed a very good motive to piety. But the emblem, together with the temple of Vulcan, (being perhaps the chief temple in that town where this image was erected,) might give occasion to such a fable; the devil helping to change the truth into a lie, that God might be robbed of his honour. Yet that we may not belie the devil, I hold it very likely that Sethon, finding himself in danger, did call upon his gods, that is, upon Vulcan, Serapis, or any to whom he had most devotion. But so had others of his predecessors done in the like need; yet which of them had obtained succour by the like miracle? Surely the Jews, (even such of them as most were given to idolatry,) would have been ashamed of the confidence which they reposed, in the chariots of Egypt, because they were many; and in the horse'men, because they were strong';' had it been told them, that Sethon, instead of sending those horsemen and chariots, was beseeching Vulcan to send them good luck, or else, (for these also were Egyp tian gods,) addressing his prayers to some onion or cat. Howsoever it was, doubtless the prophecy of Isaiah took effect, which said, They shall be all ashamed of the people that cannot profit them, nor help, nor do them good; but shall be a shame, and also a reproach.' Such is commonly the issue of human wisdom, when, resting secure upon provision that itself hath made, it will no longer seem to stand in need of God. Some there are who take Sethon to have been set down, by Eusebius, under the name of Tarachus the Ethiopian; and therefore the twenty years which are given to Tarachus, they allow to the reign of Sethon. These have well observed, that Tarachus the Ethiopian is mentioned in the scriptures, not as a king of Egypt, but as a friend to that country, or at least an enemy to Sennacherib, in the war last spoken of; the Ethiopians, (as they are Englished,) over whom he reigned, being indeed Cushites or Arabians. Hereupon they suppose aright, that Eusebius hath mistaken one king for another. But whereas they think, that this Tarachus or Tirhakah is placed in the room of Sethon, and therefore give to Sethon the twenty years of Tarachus, I hold them to have erred on the other hand. For this Ethiopian, (as he is called,) began his reign over Egypt, by Eusebius's account, after the death of Sennacherib and of Hezekiah, in the first year of Manasseh king of Judah. Therefore he, or his years, have no reference to Sethon. Herodotus forgets to tell how long Sethon reigned; Functius peremptorily, citing no author, nor alleging reason for it, sets him down thirty-three years; many omit him quite, and they that namė him are not careful to examine his continuance. In this case, I follow that rule which I propounded unto myself at the first, for measuring the reigns of these Egyptian kings. The years which passed from the fifth of Rehoboam, unto the fourth of Jehoiakim, I so divide among the Egyptians, that giving to every one the proportion allowed unto him by the author in whom he is found, the rest is to be conferred upon him whose length of reign is uncertain; that is, upon this Sethon. By this account I find the thirty-three years that are set down by Functius, to agree very nearly, if not precisely, with the time of Sethon's reign; therefore I conform my own reckoning to his, though I could be content to have it one year less. The reason of this computation I shall render more at large, when I arrive at the time of Psammeticus, whereupon it hath much dependence, and whereinto the course of this history will shortly bring me, the Egyptian affairs growing now to be interlaced with the matters of Judah, to which it is meet that I return. DD 2 |