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rus demanded of him who it was that had persuaded him? or what self-reason had conducted him to invade his territory, and to make him of a friend an enemy ? To whom he thus answered, It was thy prosperous and my unprosperous destiny, (the Grecian God flattering therewithal my ambition,) that were the inventors and conductors of Croesus's war against Cyrus.

Cyrus being pierced with Croesus's answer, and bewailing his estate, though victorious over it, did not only spare his life, but entertained him ever after as a king and his companion, shewing therein a true effect of mercy indeed. Quæ non causam, sed fortu⚫ nam spectat.'

And herein is the real difference discerned be tween that behaviour which we call Beneficium latronis, and gratiam principis:-A thief sometimes sparing the life of him which is in his power, but unjustly; a king that giveth breath, and a continuance of being, to him that was the cause and author of his own evil.

The report made by Xenophon is, That Cyrus did friendly entertain Croesus at the first sight, not mentioning that which Herodotus delivers, and is here already set down, that he should have been burnt alive. It may well be, that Xenophon pourtraying, (in Cyrus,) an heroical prince, thought an intent so cruel, fitter to be forgotten than rehearsed, as too much misbeseeming a generous nature. And it is very likely, that nearness of alliance might withhold Cyrus, (had he been otherwise vicious,) from so cruel a purpose against his grandmother's brother. Howsoever it was, the moral part of the story hath given much credit and reputation to the report of Herodotus, (as to many the like it often doth,) and made it pass for current, though the trust reposed in Croesus afterwards may seem to argue, that Cyrus did not use him inhumanly at the first.

For as Herodotus himself telleth us, when Cyrus passed with his army over Araxes into Scythia, he

left Croesus to accompany and advise his son Cambyses, governor of the empire in his absence, with whom he lived all the time of Cyrus, and did afterwards follow Cambyses into Egypt, where he hardly escaped his tyrannous hand. What his end was I do not

find.

But in this time the races of three of the greatest kings in that part of the world took end; to wit, of the Babylonians, Medians, and Lydians; in Baltha sar, Cyaxares, and Croesus.

SECT. V.

How Cyrus won Babylon.

AFTER this Lydian war ensued the great conquest of Babylon, which gave unto Cyrus an empire so farge and mighty, that he was justly reputed the greatest monarch then living upon earth. How long time the preparations for this great action took up, it is uncertain; only, it seems, that ten whole years did pass between his taking those two cities of Sardis and Babylon, which nevertheless I do not think to have been wholly occupied in provision for the Assyrian war, but rather to have been spent in settling the estate which he had already purchased. And hereunto perhaps may be referred that which Ctesias hath in his fragments, of a war made by Cyrus upon the Scythians, though related as foregoing the victory obtained against Croesus. He telleth us, that Cyrus invaded Scythia, and being victorious over that nation, took Amorges their king prisoner; but being in a second battle overthrown by the wife of Amorges, Sparetha, and therein taken, the one king was delivered for the other.

Likewise it may be thought that no small part of those troubles, which arose in the Lower Asia, grew soon after the departure of the victorious army, before the conquest was fully established. For after Cyrus was returned out of Asia the Less, many nations, conquered formerly by Croesus, and

now by Cyrus, revolted from him; against whom he employed Pactias, and then Harpagus, who first reduced the Phocians under their former obedience, and then the rest of the Greeks inhabiting Asia the Less; as the Ionians, Carians, Æolians, and Lycians, who resolvedly, (according to the strength they had,) defended themselves. But in the attempt upon Babylon itself, it is not to be doubted, that Cyrus employed all his forces, having taken order beforehand, that nothing should be able to divert him, or to raise that siege, and make frustrate the work upon which he did set all his rest. And great reason there was, that he should bend all his care and strength unto the taking of that city, which beside the fame and reputation that it held, as being head of an empire thereon depending, was so strongly fenced with a treble wall of great height, and surrounded with waters unfordable, so plentifully victualled for many years, that the inhabitants were not only free from all doubt and fear of their estate, but despised and derided all purposes and power of their besiegers.

The only hope of the Medes and Persians, who despaired of carrying by assault a city so well fortified and manned, was, in cutting off all supplies of victuals and other necessaries; whereof though the town was said to be stored sufficiently for more than twenty years, yet might it well be deemed, that in such a world of people as dwelt within those gates, one great want or other would soon appear, and vanquish the resolution of that unwarlike multitude. In expecting the success of this course, the besiegers were likely to endure much travail, and all in vain, if they did not keep strict watch and strong guards upon all quarters.

This was hard to do, in regard of the vast circuit of those walls which they were to gird in, with numbers neither great enough, nor of men sufficiently assured unto their commander; the consideration whereof ministered unto the Babylonians matter of

good pastime, when they saw the Lydians, Phrygi ans, Cappadocians, and others, quartered about their town to keep them in', who having been their ancient friends and allies, were more likely to join with them, if occasion were offered, than to use much diligence on the behalf of Cyrus, who had, as it were yesterday, laid upon their necks the galling yoke of servitude. Whilst the besieged were pleasing themselves in this deceitful and vain gladness, which is the ordinary forerunner of sudden calamity, Cyrus, whom the ordinance of God made strong and constant, and inventive, devised, by so many channels and trenches as were sufficient and capable of Euphrates, to draw the same from the walls of Babylon, thereby to make his approach the more facile and assured; which when by the labour of many hands he had performed, he stayed the time of his advantage for the execution; for he had left certain banks or heads uncut, between the main river, which surrounded the city, and his own trenches.

This

Now Balthasar, finding neither any want or weakness within, nor any possibility of approach for his enemies without, prepared an exceeding sumptuous feast, public plays, and other pastimes; and thereto invited a thousand of his princes or nobility, besides his wives, courtezans, and others of that trade. he did either to let the besiegers know, that his provisions were sufficient, not only for all needful uses, but even for jollity and excess; or because he hoped that his enemies, under the burthen of many distresses, were well near broken; or in honour of Bel his most reverenced idol; or that it was his birth or coronation-day; or for many or all of these respects. And he was not contented with such magnificence as no prince else could equal, but (using Daniel's words) he lifted himself up against the • Lord of heaven:' for he, and his princes, wives, and concubines, made carousing cups of the vessels of God, in contempt of whom he praised his own pup1 Xenoph. Cyropæd. 1. 7.

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pets, made of silver and gold, of brass, iron, wood, and stone. Quanta fuit stultitia, in vasibus aureis bibentes, ligneos et lapideos deos laudare!' How great a foolishness was it (saith St. Jerome) drinking in golden cups to praise gods of wood and stone! Whilst Balthasar was in this sort of triumphing, and his brains well filled with vapours, he beheld a hand, which by divine power, wrote on the wall opposite unto him, certain words which he understood not; wherewith so great a fear and amazement seized him, as the joints of his loins were loosed, and his knees smote one against the other*.' the other. Which passion, when he had in some part recovered, he cryed out for his Chaldæans, astrologians, and soothsayers, promising them great rewards, and the third place of honour in the kingdom to him that could read and expound the writing: but it exceeded their art. In this disturbance and astonishment, the queen hearing what had passed, and of the king's amazement, after reverence done, used this speech: There is a man in thy kingdom, in whom is the spirit of the holy gods; and, in the days of thy father, light and understanding, and wisdom, like the wisdom of the gods was found in him, whom the king Nabuchodonosor, thy father, the king (I say) thy father, made chief of the enchanters, astrologians, Chaldæans, and soothsayers, because a more excellent spirit, and knowledge, and understanding, were found • in him, even in Daniel,' &c. Now let Daniel be 'called, and he will declare the interpretation.'

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This queen, Josephus takes for the grandmother; Origen and Theodoret 3, for the mother of Balthasar; either of which may be true; for it appeareth that she was not any of the king's wives, because absent from the feast; and being past the age of dancing, and banquetting, she came in upon the bruit of the miracle, and to comfort the king in his distraction. And whereas Daniel was forgotten and neglected by

2 Daniel v. 6. 3 Orig. et Theod. in Dan. Joseph. Ant. x.

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