THE REASONS FOR A STANDING ARMY.

THE Preamble of the Mutiny Act tells us: "Whereas it is adjudged necessary by his (or her) Majesty, and this present Parliament, that a body of forces should be continued, for the safety of the United Kingdom, the defence of the possessions of his (or her) Majesty's crown, and the preservation of the balance of power in Europe, and that the whole number," &c. &c.

Here are the reasons, the legislative reasons, for the continued existence of the military profession. The defence of the United Kingdom-of this our island, our beautiful and fruitful island-realizing so much of good to all of us, so much of good as it ever has realized even under the worst circumstances, and so much more as it promises now to crown each succeeding generation with- assuredly ought not to be left to chance. But I question whether this species of defence here pointed out be that on which it is most safe to rely. That which it is the business of all to defend (and it is the business of all to defend what they deem valuable), may be best defended by all. A nation's strength for all legitimate purposes of defence is in the training of its entire population, and in the leaving all such occasions of conflict as do not interest them sufficiently to call forth their exertions, as not worthy of regard. A conscription taken fairly from all classes, exercising its rigid impartiality over the highest and the lowest ranks, but requiring of them all that they shall be able, when the season arrives, to do their share towards the protection which the violence of others may render necessary; this is practicable; this is a nation's best defence; and this I believe might be realized with the best effect in every country in the world.

"The defence of the possessions of his (or her) majesty's crown" is assigned as the next reason; and yet the most extensive, the most precious, the most honourable of those possessions, the American colonies, were not saved by this defence. Thank Heaven they were not; becoming to us so far more valuable by their free commerce, and their free institutions and literatureto us and to the world-as they did by that transaction, and as they could not have done if the alleged, but unreal reason had been carried into effect. What has it ever availed? Could it defend even Ireland? Could it have done so but for the Catholic emancipation which did take place, and for the Church Reform which must take place? There is no defence of possessions beyond the limits of a country but their common interests, that ought to be regarded by patriotic legislators, or by a philosophical moralist. Leave them to this, and it will always ensure so much union as is needful or profitable for all.

"The balance of power in Europe"-O this is the cant phrase the old juggle that one corrupt minister after another made the pretext of war abroad and taxation at home. When has this "balance of power" existed? How long has it ever remained? When could the smallest portion of time, or the least variation of circumstances, not destroy its existence? And even if any such arrangement could be permanently kept up, what would it avail? It is not in this that the happiness, the freedom, the prosperity, the true good and goodness of nations consists. What has the balance of power, if it be sustained, as I suppose we should assume, the reasons being assigned, and the required means provided-what has the balance of power done for Poland, crushed beneath the foot of a barbarian and insulting despot? What has the balance of power achieved for France, cajoled of the fair prize for which its military and its civic heroes fought side by side, and shed their blood? What has the balance of power done for Italy, for fair, refined, and fertile Italy, pressed hardly upon by Austrian domination? What does it for Switzerland, continually exposed to insult and enslaving interference from other and larger powers? What does it for Spain, so long distracted by civil conflict? What does it for Portugal, tossed about at the capricious will of a wayward child? Or what for Germany, mighty and intellectual Germany, trodden upon by

hoofs of hosts of despots, great and small? Oh, of all the bubbles for which nations have sacrificed their money or their lives, none was ever a more pitiful deception, a more paltry cajolery than this cant of the balance of power, repeated unmeaningly from time to time as a plea of justification for keeping up a profession that tends to demoralize man, to impair the civil virtues of the citizen, and to pervert the legislative influence of the ruler.

As nations advance in knowledge-in the arts of civilization-in an expanding liberality of policy abroad, and in freedom of institutions at home, the power of self-defence residing in themselves will advance also. They will give their children physical as well as mental education, training them to be ready, as Milton describes himself, to use his sword as well as his pen, if needful, for his country's weal. They will not abide the permanence of a sanguinary power which may be let loose on them wherever there is a tendency towards despotism in one quarter, and the strong habit of vassalage and military subordination in others, ready to act at its command. In the savage state every man is a soldier. This soon changes: the first stages of civilization lead to the luxury that relies on hirelings, and often aliens, to shield it from the invader. But the iron has always prevailed over the gold. A native military profession only makes another step in the advance: that advance, in civilization as in science, brings us again towards simplicity. The highest degrees of civilization, in their tendency to prevent all battles except the conflicts of opinion, restore that universal union of the characters of citizen and soldier which the lower had severed for a time; and men in their best condition for acquirements and attainments, for prosperity and enjoyment and improvement, will delight to rest on themselves, on their own readiness to use their arms, skill in which they shall have acquired from their earliest days, whenever it shall be necessary: thus opposing not merely a temporary barrier, but an eternal fortress of adamant against the assaults of the invader from without, or of the tyrant from within.-W. J. Fox.

We have offended, Oh! my countrymen !
We have offended very grievously,

And been most tyrannous. From east to west
A groan of accusation pierces Heaven!

The wretched plead against us; multitudes
Countless and vehement, the Sons of God,
Our Brethren.-

I have told

Most bitter truth, but without bitterness.

Nor deem my zeal or factious or mis-timed;
For never can true courage dwell with them,

Who, playing tricks with conscience, dare not look
At their own vices. We have been too long

Dupes of a deep delusion.

Coleridge.

April 6, 1839.

Say, what is Honour?-Tis the finest sense
Of justice which the human mind can frame,
Intent each lurking frailty to disclaim,
And guard the way of life from all offence
Suffered or done.

Wordsworth.

LOWTHER CASTLE.

LOWTHER CASTLE, in Westmoreland, is the property of the Earl of Lonsdale. It was commenced building in 1808. The castle consists wholly of stone, of a beautiful rose-tinted white. The style of architecture is that which prevailed in the more considerable edifices in Europe, during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. On each side of the lawn, of the entrance-court, a road, thirty feet broad, rises unto and meets upon the terrace, which is five hundred feet long, and one hundred feet wide. There is also a flight of steps, sixty feet wide, from the entrance-court to the terrace, opposite the gateway. A rich open porch for the reception of carriages embellishes the centre of the north front, and leads to an entrance-hall, sixty feet by thirty. The magnificent staircase, which is sixty feet square and ninety feet high, opens out of the hall, and is surrounded by arched corridors on each story, communicating with the several apartments. This splendid staircase is formed entirely of stone, lighted by windows above of stained glass. The saloon, sixty feet by thirty, is fitted up with oak and grey silk damask. On the right of the saloon is the dining-room, its doors and furniture of oak, the walls hung with scarlet cloth enriched with gold, and curtains of velvet. The drawing-room is hung with richly-embroidered satin, white and gold. Then there are the billiardroom and the breakfast-room, and, branching off at right angles from each extremity of this front of the building, arched open cloisters communicate with the riding-house and stables on the left, and on the right with the kitchen offices. This front, within the cloisters, is two hundred and eighty feet long. Arched stone corridors open on each side from the staircase through the centre of the castle, into corridors with arcades of stone, lighted at each end by windows of painted glass. The ground-floor apartments on each side of the north front are, on the right, Lady Lonsdale's room, fitted up with scarlet and light-green satin; a dressing-room, thirty feet by twenty-one; a bedchamber; and Lord Lonsdale's room. On the left is the library; a state bed-chamber; and offices for his lordship's agents. The length of this front is four hundred and twenty feet, and eight lofty towers crown this imposing aspect of the castle. The prospect hence is open from Penrith beacon-hill to Saddleback and the Scotch mountains. The parks and pleasure-grounds surrounding and appertaining to this princely edifice, are of considerable extent, and present a variety of prospect and scenery, not equalled perhaps, and certainly not surpassed, in any other part of this country. The great terrace is nearly a mile in length, and overlooks a part of the park, irregularly scattered with forest trees of immense growth, and well stocked with deer. (All very beautiful! but-What is the price paid by the People to secure these superfluities to the noble proprietor?)

HOMES OF FREEMEN :

IN THE METROPOLIS OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE.

Whitechapel Union.

Baker's Arms-alley.-A narrow court with a dead wall about two yards from the houses, the wall as high as the houses. The principal court is intersected by other courts extremely narrow, into which it is scarcely possible for air to penetrate; close to the dead wall, between the wall and the houses, is a gutter, in which is always present a quantity of stagnant fluid full of all sorts of putrefying matter, the effluvia from which, at the present moment, are most offensive, and the sense of closeness extreme. All the houses are dark, gloomy, and extremely filthy. At the top of the innermost courts are