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the mountains appeared before us bare of snow, though only_sterile rocks, and between them we caught a view of the western ocean. The only bird I had seen in this icy trace was what the Laplanders call Pago (Charadrius Hiaticula):

The following picturesque and striking description we can: not withhold from the reader.

• Having thus traversed the Alps, we arrived about noon upon their bold and precipitous limits to the westward. The ample forests spread out beneath us, looked like fine green fields, the loftiest trees appearing no more than herbs of the humblest growth. About these mountains grew the same species of plants I had observed on the other side of the Alps. We now descended into a lower couptry. It seems, as I write this, that I am still walking down the mountain, so long and steep was the descent, but the alpine plants no longer made their appearance after we had reached the more humble hills. When we arrived at the plains below, how grateful was the transition from a chill and frozen mountain to a warm balmy valley! I sat down to regale myself with strawberries. Instead of ice and snow, I was surrounded with vegetation in all its prime. Such tall graus I had never before beheld in any country. Instead of the blustering wind so lately experienced, soft gales wafted around us the grateful scent of flowery clover and various other plants. In the earlier part of my journey, I had for some time experienced a long.continued spring (whose steps I pursued as I ascended the Lapland hills); then unremitting winter and eternal snow surrounded me; summer at length was truly welcome. Oh how most lorely of all is summer!'

Observing the activity of his two Lapland companions, Linnæus is here led to enter into a long disquisition on the causes of activity in the human body, and especially in these people. This is succeeded by an enumeration of the supposed causes of their healthy constitutions; among which are tranquillity of mind, moderation in eating, and the deficiency of spirituous liquors. Nevertheless these privileged people have, by their intercourse with neighbouring countries, become in some measure corrupted on the last mentioned subject. _One purpose

of the men who accompanied Linnæus to Torfjorden, was 10 purchase brandy; they drank it in the first place as long as they could stand on their legs, and having brought with them a number of dried bladders, these were subsequently all filled with brandy, tied up, and carried away by them.

Our author was induced to spend a few days in examining the natural productions of this part of Norway, especially about the sea-shore, and met with a congenial spirit in Mr. John Rask, a clergyman settled here, who had visited the West Indies and Africa, and bad published an account of his voyage, in which various fishes and plants are described in a very interesting style. The preparation of various kinds of bread in this part of Norway, is next detailed, some of which give us but a miserable idea of the resources of the country. Our author bad a narrow escape at this place, to which he often alluded in the subsequent part of his life; having been fired at by a Laplander, while rambling over the hills, in pursuit of his farourite strawberries. The first volume concludes with some entertaining anecdotes of the timidity and superstition of the Laplanders, and of the scarcely less superstitious severity with which they are persecuted, to give up their magical drums and idols, by the Norwegians.

The second volume opens with Linnæus's return over the Alps, comprehending pretty ample notices respecting the tents, and huts, domestic economy, clothing and diseases of the Laplanders, with much inforination relative to the reindeer. Their amusements form a part of the subject, especially a game called tublut, somewhat resembling chess. The ceremony of a Lapland courtship and marriage is also narrated with much particularity.

On the 23d of July, Linnæus descended from the Alps into Lulean Lapland. From this part of the journal to August the 5th, we find various miscellaneous remarks on natural history, a description of the Lapland sledge, of the mode of tanning among the lowland Laplanders, and some particulars of their agriculture. On arriving at Tornea, the acuteness and scientific skill of our traveller, were exercised to great advantage, in detecting the cause of a most destructive disease among the horned cattle, of which he had heard some tidings at Lulea, as mentioned in Vol 1. p. 245.—This malady he determined, beyond a doubt, to arise from the animals' feeding on the waterhemlock (cicuta virosa) which they crop while under water; for when it rises above the surface they will not touch it.*

In the course of his route homeward, through East Bothland, numerous agricultural and economical remarks occur. Nothing very material is found in the rest of the tour. Passing through Wasa, Christinestadt, and Abo, Linnæus arrived at the ferry which carried him to Aland, from whence be proceeded to the main land, and arrived at Upsal on the 10th of October. He does not forget in closing his remarks piously to ascribe the Maker and Preserver of all things, praise, honour, and glory for ever.'

The Appendix consists of two parts. The first contains a compendious account of the whole journey drawn up by Linnæus himself, to lay before the Academy of Sciences at Upsal : in which, though partly a repetition of what occurs before,

* More ample observations than occur in the journal relative to this subo ject, (one of those, into which Linnæus was commissioned particularly to enquire,) are given by the Editor in a copious note translated from the Flora Lapponica.


many new circumstances appear, and the whole throws great light upon the preceding pages. The second part of this Appendix is particularly valuable ; being an extract from Dr. Wahlenberg's “ observations made with a view to determine the height of the Lapland Alps." This curious fragment, translated from the Swedish, was communicated to the editor by the late Mr. Dryander, and, with an accurate philosophical style of observation, unites much picturesque effect in botanical geography,

Not the least curious part of this book, are the wooden cuts, about sixty in number,-fac-similes of the rude sketches made with a pen in the original manuscript. They represent either agricuitural implements, or similar objects, in the rudest possible style; but several insects, and a few plants, as well as two or three Medusa, are done with more care, and wi considerable effect; as Cicindela sylvatica, Vol. 1. p. 175; Tipula rivosa, p. 186; and Cerambyx Sutor, p. 232.

Upon the whole, though these volumes contain a considerable degree of information, conveyed in an artless and engaging manner, yet we cannot but look upon them as giving too slight a sketch of so interesting a tour. Had the author ever revised his manuscript with a view to its meeting the public eye, there would most probably have been no ground for this complaint; but the basty observations made by any traveller on the spot, simply for his own use, cannot be supposed to possess the advantage of a regularly digested and corrected journal. The observations, though highly curious and important in themselves, are so disjointed, that it is impossible to get a clear idea of the different objects of curiosity which the country presented, in any regular method. Yet as the admirers of Linnæus have long been clamorous for this account of his tour to Lapland, they ought to congratulate themselves upon the publication of it, even though coming forth “ with all its imperfections on its head.” The style of the translation calls for no particular remark; it adheres professedly, as near as possible, to that of the original. Astrange mistake occurs, as we conceive, in V. 1. p. 127, where the Laplanders are said to be necessitated occasionally to ' drink warm sea water.' This we presume must mean the water of their lakes, contrasted with that of those cool springs, near which they pitch their tents in summer.

Art. VI. A History of the Roman Government from the commencement of

the State, till the final subrersion of liberty by the successful usurpation of Cæsar Augustus, in the year of Rome 724. By Alexander Brodie.

8vo. Price 128. Longman & Co. 1810. WE agree with Mr. Brodie, that a work which should

trace the Roman government through its various stages, present a clear and steady picture of its effects, the consequences of every change, and the tendency to produce others, with the influence of government on the public morals, and the re-action of morals on the political institutions, is wanting to English literature. We think too with him that Hooke has, more than any other writer on the subject, 'understood the principles, and entered into the spirit of the Roman institutions :' but we cannot be of opinion that Mr. Brodie has either supplied his defects, or corrected the errors into which he may occasionally have been betrayed. The first requisite of an investigation so important, is impartiality ; but in this, as well as in the peculiar acuteness which it so indispensably demands, we are sorry to be compelled to say that we have found Mr. B. extremely deficient. Instead of a calm and unbiassed history, he has written a work of party. He is an advocate not an his*torian. The Plebeians are uniformly in the right, and the conduct of the Patricians is invariably impolitic and oppressive. Doubtless the people were entitled to rights and immunities which their governors withheld. But does it therefore follow that we are to applaud (or at least not condemn) every act of violence committed by the mob of Rome; or invest with the sacred name of patriot every turbulent demagogue who made the misery and depression of the multitude and the tyranny of the nobles, his pretext for disturbing the state, and for procuring some additional privilege or honour, nominally to the inferior orders at large, but, in reality, to himself? We have felt the utmost astonishment, while reading the present volume, at the coolness with which a sensible writer could go through so large a portion of the Roman history, with such a determined prepossession in favour of one party as, we believe, not once to give credit to the other for purity of intention, or sound policy of conduct. Neither is there any dexterity in the management of this partiality. Mr. B. never casts the glamour over us. We fairly detect the political partizan in every page, and rise from the perosal of the work with an undue prejudice in favour of the side which so partial an advocate has so systematically opposed.

As we have no inclination to write a new abridgment of the Roman history, it is unnecessary to dissect the volume in our hands. Its object is stated in the title page, and its character, we think, fairly given in the preceding paragraph. We shall, however, point out an instance or two in confirmation of our opinion.

It will be recollected, that the arbitrary and cruel measures pursued by some of the wealthy patricians against such of the lower orders as bad been compelled by their necessities to become their debtors, produced the emigration of the Plebeians to the Sacred Mount. It is perfectly clear, that the refusal of the senate to interfere in their behalf justified the people in emancipating themselves from such intolerable coercion ; but the injustice of defrauding the legitimate creditor is obvious; and it cannot be doubted that the larger portion of the seceders consisted of the dissolute and unprincipled, who were eager to avail themselves of the opportunity to evade debts fairly incurred and legally claimed. But Mr. Brodie's representation of the affair is uniformly in favour of the popular side, and he sums up the chapter in the following words.

The behaviour of the Patricians and senate is an instance of the weakness of human nature in resisting temptations. That order possessed as much energy of character, and were as spirited in their public enterprizes, as men of that rank were at any other period of the history of the Roman people ; but in the transactions with the Plebeians they were illiberal and unjust, because they were tempted by impunity, and by the countenance of the generality of their own order.'

That the Patricians were, to a great extent illiberal and unjust,' is perfectly true ; but why did not Mr. Brodie mark with due reprobation the injustice of the Plebeians? It was in vain,' according to his own statement, that Lartius talked of the justice of claiming repayment of debts; the people turned from him in contempt.'

When Cæso, the son of the great Cincinnatus, was prosecuted by the tribunes for violating the privileges of the Plebeians, an additional charge was brought against him by Volscius Fictor, who accused him of murder: and Mr. B. implicitly acquiesces in the justice of this accusation, though it appears extremely improbable from this single reason, if there were no other,--that the people, when they heard it publicly stated, were surprized and exasperated. "It should seem that such an affair, if it had really happened, must have been matter of general notoriety, especially as it was said to have been perpetrated under a preceding consulate. But Mr. Brodie is so far from delivering the evidence and reasoning on both sides, that when he afterwards states that Volscius was brought to public trial by Cincinnatus, and condemned, he brings forward a long string of weak presumptive arguments to prove him innocent, --one of which he derives from the very

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