instance, in modern Europe, of the entire Bible translated for the common people. "It is, at least, the only one in the fourteenth century upon which we can now lay our hand, no continental nation having anything similar to produce."

Leaving the Rector of Lutterworth in possession of this unfading wreath, we may just now deviate into some inquiry as to earlier versions attempted in favour of these islands. On this interesting point Mr. Anderson offers us no guidance: but we have pleasure in mentioning the Introduction to the second edition of Mr. Bagster's ENGLISH HEXAPLA, the first chapter of which offers a compend of the information we are seeking.

It is clear from Tertullian's references, (Adv. Judæos, cap. 7,) that Christianity prevailed within our shores in the second century. The places which he describes as "inaccessible to the Romans," but "subdued by Christ," are probably the mountains of North Britain. Language followed in the train of conquest, and ultimately spread beyond the last trophy of aggression; so that we may conclude, at once, that Latin versions were used. After the Saxons had reduced the land to Paganism, the light of the Gospel revisited it in the sixth century; and, before the end of the seventh, the entire Heptarchy professed the faith. In various monasteries,-particularly at Iona, one of the Hebrides, and in Ireland,—copies of the Latin Scriptures were assiduously multiplied. There were also early attempts at Saxon versions. Formal objections to vernacular translations belong to a later date; and, if we observe the absence of any general anxiety for such a boon, it may be supposed that comparatively few were able to read, and that the cultivated orders cherished a preference for the Latin already hallowed by use. At all events there appeared, in the seventh century, the metrical paraphrase of sacred history which is ascribed to Cadmon, the Monk of Whitby; and which Bede describes as carmina religioni et pietati apta." This work was clearly no translation; unless we allow that many a modern poem on Scripture subjects is such. Aldhelm, Bishop of Sherborne, produced a version of the Psalms about a. d. 700, or a little later. Contemporary, and engaged in the same work, was the first Saxon anchorite, Guthlac. Others, whose names are written on high, probably contributed their labour about this time; especially in rendering the daily lessons of the Church. But, early in the eighth century, the "venerable" Bede, an untiring student, and a lover of all learning,-executed the first regular translation from the New Testament of which we have any record. His dying effort was put forth in dictating the last chapter of St. John's Gospel. When the scribe announced, "It is done," the reply of the expiring saint was, "Thou hast well said,-all is now finished: Lift me up, that, sitting where I have loved to pray, I may call upon my Father." And with faltering voice attempting to sing, "Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost," he escaped from earth, to continue the song above. Among Anglo-Saxon translators, every one has heard of King Alfred. It is the custom to extol the doings of Princes, and to magnify their virtues into heroic proportions; but we have, at least, the Ten Commandments, and passages from three following chapters of Exodus, translated by the Monarch, and prefixed to his body of laws. It was probably in his reign that the interlinear version was added to the illuminated Ms. of Latin Gospels, known as "the Durham Book," in the British Museum; and the Rushworth Gloss, preserved in the Bodleian, is considered of the same antiquity. At the close of the tenth, or in the earliest part of the eleventh, century, Ælfric professed to translate a large part of

the Old Testament; but he furnished abridgments, rather than versions. (In passing, it may be remarked, that one sentence, occurring in his discourse on reading the Scriptures, sounds familiar as a proverb: "When we pray, we speak to God; and when we read the Bible, God speaks to us.") About the same time appeared the four Gospels, the work of an unknown translator, from the Latin ante-Hieronymian text.

Biblical studies were suspended by the Danish invasion. And, unless we assign to the Anglo-Norman or early English dialect a version of the Gospels executed in the transition-state of our language, it must be added that, during the times of the Conqueror and nine succeeding Kings, little can be reported beyond a few humble attempts in verse. It is remarkable that thus, a second time, metre preceded literal translation. The first known portion of Scripture in English prose is the work of Rolle, hermit of Hampole, near Doncaster. He translated the Psalms in the former part of the fourteenth century. Nearly simultaneous were two other versions of the same book; and probably that important мs., preserved in the library of Corpus-Christi, Cambridge, which contains the major part of the New Testament.

Thus a fresh examination of the question convinces us that Wickliffe first realized, if he did not also first apprehend, the noble idea of THE entire Bible, IN LITERAL AND CONSECUTIVE TRANSLATION, FOR THE PEOPLE. The repetition of this statement may be forgiven; and the rather, as we are now prepared to fortify it against its impugners. Before a vigorous scrutiny, the Anglo-Saxon abridgments, selections, paraphrases, and partial versions, fade from the comparison. Not only were they fragmentary, but it appears highly probable that their circulation was almost limited to privileged and learned classes. And, after the Conquest and the gradual change of language, there was less of holy Scripture in the vernacular, than had been in the Saxon days. The assertion directed against Wickliffe, that "y hole byble was long before his dayes by vertuous and wel lerned men translated into y english tong," may be considered a piece of ingenious declamation, by the eloquent author of "Utopia." It is by no means in keeping with other remarks from the same pen. Nor can we forget that, long before Sir Thomas More's "Dialogue" was written, it was heresy to read or to know any part of the Scripture in English. It is in confirmation of the view here defended, that Arundel's Constitutions of 1408, which forbid, on pain of the greater excommunication, the reading of any version made either in Wickliffe's time or since, allege no earlier and tolerated versions.* As to Archbishop Usher's reference to a translation older than the Reformer's, that is now proved to be simply an error of chronology.

THE WHOLE BIBLE FOR THE WHOLE POPULATION, we reiterate, was Wickliffe's glorious thought. He aimed at the widest possible diffusion of that word "which is able to save" the "soul." Favoured circles, monastic orders, and an exclusive Clergy, were not his care. Against these he boldly spoke; disdaining the Persius-like ambiguity, as well as the veil of allegory, which had been too commonly thrown over merited

*See chap. vii. of the Constitutions: Collier, book vii.-The kindest construction is, that Sir Thomas More might refer to the metrical paraphrases, fragments of translation, &c., that preceded the great idea of Wickliffe; or, perhaps, to some copies of Wickliffe's version before its revision. But Tyndale's forceful answer (Anderson, vol. i., p. 284) resolves the plea into More's "poetry." 2 D

VOL. III.-FOURTH SERIES.

rebuke. The Bible he held to be the poor man's guide, and the multitude's due inheritance. Most wisely, most reverently, he believed that book adapted to its own matchless purpose. He was fearless as to the result of its circulation. Its Author "knew what was in man.' He had given the meanest an eye to see, while the rejoicing firmament is full of light; and the same divine liberality had not withheld a mind to understand the pure truth. The Churchmen who contended for the opposite views, were really fighting the battles of scepticism; and few well-read men will deny that the assaults of their school on the character of revelation are, on every account, more mischievous than the artillery of ancient or modern Deists. Of such madness and impiety Wickliffe was innocent. To exhibit the parties in the memorable struggle, it is enough to cite the great complaint that was bitterly urged against the Reformer. This was, in undisguised profession, that the Gospel-pearl was offered to laymen and women: "And," continues Canon Knighton, in dirge-like note, "that is now theirs for ever, which before was the special property of the Clergy and Doctors!

Of Wickliffe's first public appearance the date is 1360. England was preparing to throw off the burdens of ignorance and feudalism. But the Eastern and Western churches had now displaced the Scriptures, and frowned on their translation into any vernacular tongue. Ecclesiastics in Council had betrayed the fatal policy of attributing, to the pages intended for the instruction of all, a Sibylline obscurity. But Wickliffe arose to assert a common right; and many years were devoted to his great work, which was finished about 1380. During much of the time he was, to the view of sense, alone. But, if the wanderer in Eastern deserts is cheered by the beautiful fancy that the starry eyes of heaven watch over his solitary path, we venture to express our belief, sustained by more than fiction, that on so high an occasion the devout labourer was not alone." Feeble, anxious, secluded, he was yet nerved with power from on high, encompassed by willing cherubim, refreshed by the presence of One greater than all." It is important, indeed, to note that he was unaided by those who ruled the Church. The Assembly at St. Paul's, to which he was summoned "to answer for himself," and the following Synod at Lambeth, sufficiently indicated the hostile policy which the Bishops maintained for five generations to come.

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A little before Wickliffe's translation was finished, the Western churches were rent by the question of rival-Popes; a question which, we imagine, must perplex certain genealogists. Some time after, "it curiously happened that, for two years and four months, from July, 1415, the only Pontiff in existence was a deposed one; and the only kingdom or province that adhered to him in the end, was Scotland." Later still, we find Council against Council. But we must not be diverted by incidental topics, though curious and significant. The mutual anathemas of the rivals, and the questions which the unseemly controversy excited, were not unobserved by the Reformer. Everything urged him to exertion in the cause of insulted truth. His qualifications were, indeed, those of energy, patience, acuteness, and Latin scholarship, rather than of competent literature for his chief undertaking. England had become darker since the days of Grossteste; and matters were tending to that midnight of the general intellect in which Priests gave out the edifying statement, that Greek and Hebrew were languages newly invented! Most of the first European translations were made from Latin. In this Mr. Anderson sees a

providential arrangement. Heresy was refuted by means of the very book which it had professed to quote, but which had been studiously withheld from the people. The result here, as elsewhere, is told in the nation's chronicles. Wickliffe's version was eagerly transcribed. Readers were exceedingly numerous, including "soldiers," "Dukes, and Earls," who strenuously promoted the work; while Churchmen lamented that "by this means the Gospel was made vulgar!" From 1380 to 1400 the heavenly irradiation spread; and it is most pleasing to find that not a few became "mighty in the Scriptures." Thus Wickliffe's joy was fulfilled. He was no enthusiast, in the sense to which an excellent word has conventionally descended. His Trialogue affords evidence that he pleaded for no extravagant licence of private judgment; and that he wished his readers to combine the qualities of the grammarian and those of the devout interpreter.

Years after the translator rested from his labours, the voice of his champion, the Duke of Lancaster, was raised in his behalf. For the rising cause there were a few gleams of favour from some other illustrious persons; especially from Ann of Luxemburg, "the good Queen Ann," of whom even Arundel, then Archbishop of York, says, "Although she was a stranger, yet she constantly studied the four Gospels in English; and in the study of these, and reading of godly books, she was more diligent than the Prelates, though their office and business require this of them." Let not Britons forget that a trumpet-note of remonstrant truth was heard in the House of Commons, at St. Paul's, and again at Westminster, more than one hundred and twenty years before the great German Reformer appeared. The hierarchy took the alarm when Wickliffe's " poor Priests" travelled, barefooted, through the country; and Richard II. was led into measures vainly designed "to check the rising tide of sentiment:" "Still the Scriptures were not suppressed, nor was there one drop of blood shed for what they called heresy,' till the commencement of the next century under Henry IV." We shall soon see how the militant truth

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prevailed against fiercer opposition; and, when befriended by none of the Princes of this world," triumphed over them all. The secret of its victory is what Milton calls "the unresistible might of weakness."

The work of Wickliffe was revised by some of his followers. Hence the variations of expression which have been detected by those who have compared the legible and beautiful Mss. The New Testament was printed three hundred and fifty years after it was finished; but the idea of publishing the entire volume, in the modern sense of the word, is quite recent,— the two versions having been now committed to the Oxford University Press.

Deeply interesting are the features of the fifteenth century. PRINTING Mr. Anderson takes to be an important "indication," additional to the allsufficient" assurances in Scripture," "a providential hint, that the knowledge of the true God is to be universal.” The political events of this period, and the combinations of European States for peace or war, tended to bring down the Pontiff to the position of a party,-not the spiritual regent of all belligerent parties,-and to hasten the decline of Rome's influence. Other considerations impress a remarkable interest on this date. Light is about to stream forth; and, before the end of this eventful century, the world will open, in its amplest realms, as if to receive the blest effluence. "The discovery of America by Columbus in 1492, and of the passage to India by Vasco de Gama in 1497, only fix the eye" the more steadily on the

sequel. Vain had been the rage of a General Council, madly aimed against the dust which had reposed for thirty years in deep, sepulchral quiet; and which, after thirteen years more, was professedly exhumed, burned, and cast into the Swift, a tributary of the wide-flowing Severn. If the relics of the magnanimous Wickliffe were carried by the river to the ocean, and disparted beyond the calculation alike of friends and foes, it is not mere romance, on the part of Fuller, to account the distribution an emblem of benefactions to be as widely dispensed. A similar thought cheered Luther when, in memory of some of the first continental martyrs of the Reformation, he uttered such strains as the following:

Reviewing the fifteenth century, the careful observer will mark how, by various means, and especially by the wrangling of Councils, principles awoke that agitated the Pontifical throne. Germany and France adopted measures to divert the stream of their wealth, which had too long flowed to Rome. Literature meanwhile advanced in the land of its reviviscence; though, as Mr. Hallam remarks, "that ardour which animated Italy in the first part of the fifteenth century, was by no means common to the rest of Europe.” It was after the sunset of the Eastern Empire, and the fall of Constantinople, A.D. 1453, that other nations drew instruction from Italy, now enriched with ample spoils of Grecian learning and with the presence of its native Professors. There was the magnet for all Europe. In Rome the preparation was made for that action which was to shake the "holy" citadel. Already an humble German had been revolving the principles of an art which was to introduce an era perfectly new. He had been busy while Constantinople was receiving the shock of armies. That German was Henne Gænsfleisch,-commonly called John Gutenberg, (Anglicé, Goodhill,)—a native of Mentz. In 1424 he took up his abode in Strasburg. Before 1439, with the aid of three citizens to whom he communicated his plans, he experimented in printing with metal types. When his money was exhausted, he returned to Mentz; where John Fust, goldsmith, aided him with the needful supplies. Between 1450 and 1455 the first great work was completed; and it is the most interesting fact of all, that the earliest homage of this inestimable invention was paid to divine truth. Mr. Anderson observes, with right feeling, that the Latin Bible, "of 641 leaves," was "the FIRST book printed with moveable metal types." Its two beautiful folios surprised the west of Europe, the artists having made no announcement of their design.*

Fust

To Guttenberg the results were embarrassment and distress. demanded payment, and by a course of law obtained the printing materials. He and his family pursued this advantage; bringing out two editions of the Psalter, and a second of the Bible,-all still in Latin. But, on the storming of Mentz in 1462, the matchless art, which they wished to

Of the Greek Testament, Erasmus, not Cardinal Ximenes, brought out the first edition in 1516.