politics, he is not to look for those occasional controverfies, which the occurrences of the present day, or any temporary fituation of public affairs may excite; and most of which, if not beneath the dignity, it is beside the purpose of a philosophical institution to advert to. He will perceive that the feveral difquifitions are framed with a reference to the condition of this country, and of this government but it seemed to me to belong to the design of a work like the following, not so much to discuss each altercated point with the particularity of a political pamphlet the fubject, as to deliver those univerfal principles, and to exhibit, as well as I was able, that mode and train of reasoning in politics, by the due application of which every man might be enabled to attain to just conclufions of his own.

upon

I am not ignorant of an objection that has been advanced against all abstract speculations concerning the origin, principle, or limitation

limitation of civil authority; namely, that fuch speculations poffefs little or no influence upon the conduct either of the state or of the subject, of the governors or the governed; nor are attended with any useful confequences to either: that in times of tranquillity they are not wanted; in times of confufion they are never heard. This representation however, in my opinion, is not juft. Times of tumult, it is true, are not the times to learn; but the choice men make of their fide and party, in the most critical occafions of the commonwealth, may nevertheless depend upon the lessons they have received, the books they have read, and the opinions they have imbibed, in feafons of leifure and quietnefs. Some judicious persons, who were prefent at Geneva during the troubles which lately convulfed that city, thought they perceived in the contentions there carrying on, the operation of that political theory, which the writings of Rousseau, and the unbounded esteem in

which these writings are held by his coun trymen, had diffused amongst the people. Throughout the political difputes that have within these few years taken place in Great Britain, in her fifter kingdom, and in her foreign dependencies, it was impoffible not to observe, in the language of party, in the refolutions of popular meetings, in debate, in conversation, in the general strain of those fugitive and diurnal addreffes to the public, which fuch occafions call forth, the preva lency of those ideas of civil authority which are displayed in the works of Mr. Locke. The credit of that great name, the courage and liberality of his principles, the skill and clearness with which his arguments are propofed, no less than the weight of the arguments themselves, have given a reputation and currency to his opinions, of which, I am persuaded, in any unfettled ftate of public affairs, the influence would be felt. As this is not a place for examining the truth or tendency of thefe doctrines, I would not

be

be understood, by what I have faid, to exprefs any judgment concerning either. I only mean to remark, that fuch doctrines are not without effect; and that it is of practical importance to have the principles from which the obligations of focial union, and the extent of civil obedience are derived, rightly explained and well understood. Indeed, as far as I have observed, in political, beyond all other subjects, where men are without some fundamental and scientific principles to refort to, they are liable to have their understandings played upon by cant phrases and unmeaning terms, of which every party in every country poffefs a vocabulary. We appear aftonished when we fee the multitude led away by founds; but we fhould remember that, if founds work miracles, it is always upon ignorance. The influence of names is in exact proportion to the want of knowledge.

These are the observations with which I

have judged it expedient to prepare the attention of my reader. Concerning the perfonal motives which engaged me in the following attempt, it is not neceffary that I fay much; the nature of my academical fituation, a great deal of leisure since my retirement from it, the recommendation of an honoured and excellent friend, the authority. of the venerable prelate to whom these labours are inscribed, the not perceiving in what way I could employ my time or talents better, and my disapprobation in literary men of that faftidious indolence, which fits ftill because it difdains to do little, were the confiderations that directed my thoughts to this defign. Nor have I repented of the undertaking. Whatever be the fate or reception of this work, it owes its author nothing. In fickness and in health I have found in it that which can alone alleviate the one, or give enjoyment to the other-occupation and engagement.