"Sir John Thompson.] When I gave my voice to make the Prince of Orange King, I thought to have feen better times. than thefe. If this matter go, and nothing be done, I expect nothing but that we fhall be Underlings to Courtiers. It is fit to confider the state of the nation in all parts of it; as in your quotas; fo if you confider your fleet, your convoys: look upon all mifcarriages, and you may hunt them to the cabinet; but there we must leave it, for we cannot find the hand that does the mischief. King Charles the Ift, was the firft that fet up the cabinet; but he was taken down for it; fo was King James, his fon, and made a vagabond. All debates fhould be in council; now all things are huddled up. Our affairs are fecret, but our miscarriages open."

"Mr. Bromley.] - The preamble of the bill declared. former corruptions, and fufpicion of the like now: the bill offers remedy, but we are denied it; which fpeaks this language, The King will have us ftill corrupt." At length it was

"Refolved, That whoever advised the King not to give the royal affent to the act touching free and impartial proceedings in Parliament, which was to redrefs a grievance, and take off a fcandal upon the proceedings of the Commons in Parliament, is an Enemy to their Majefties and the kingdom."

In confequence of this, a reprefentation was made to his Majefty, fetting forth how few the inftances have been in former reigns, of denying the royal affent to bills for redrefs of grievances; and the great grief of the Commons for his not having given the royal affent to feveral public bills; and particularly to the bill, touching free and impartial proceedings in Parliament, which tended fo much to,clear the reputation of the House.

To this, the King, as might well be fuppofed, gave an evafive answer: and no other, it is to be feared, will ever be obtained, to reprefentations of this nature. We can only lament, that the bill rejected at this time, is likely to remain for ever among the defiderata of our conftitution: though it is evident, that it would more effectually fecure the freedom and independence of Parliaments, than all the laws now fubfifting for that purpose.

We are concerned that our limits will not allow us to gratify our Readers with extracts of many other curious and valuable paffages in thefe volumes: which, with all their defects, may be confidered as a very valuable acceffion to the stock of political knowlege. Though the abrupt, inelegant, obfcure manner in which they are, for the most part, expreffed, renders them dry

and.

"The bill is a plaufible panegyric on this Parliament, for its funeral oration; yet notwithstanding I am for the bill. Such remedies, to obtain good things, must be obtained in good Princes reigns. Annual Parliaments have been enacted by feveral ftatutes. When one is grown a little old, another hath been made. It is no entrenching on the prerogative, but is for the honour of the King. He hath faid in his declarations, That he will put us in fuch a way, that we need not fear being under arbitrary power, by yielding any thing to make us eafy and happy.' Our honour is concerned for this bill; confidering what we have done, we fhould let others come in, that they may find, that money is not here to be gotten. A ftanding Parliament can never be a true Reprefentative; men are much altered after being fometime here, and are not the fame men as fent up. The Lords fent you a bill in Henry the eighth's time, for fettling their precedency; and you have fent bills to them concerning your privileges.'

On the last reading of this bill, it was objected, "That this was a good House, and that the nation would not be grieved with its continuance." To which, it was answered by

"Colonel Titus.] Manna when it fell, was as fweet as honey; but, if kept, bred worms. It is objected, We have good laws for frequent Parliaments already :' I anfwer, the Ten Commandments were made almoft four thousand years ago, but were never kept."

When it was objected, That this bill did not only retrench the King's prerogative, but might be reasonably ill taken by the King, who had done fo great things for us;'

Mr. Harley, in reply, pulled out of his pocket the Prince of Crange's declaration, and read it to the House.

After much controverfy, the bill paffed, 200 to 161: and the King let it lie on the table for fome time, fo that men's eyes and expectations were much fixed on the iffue of it. But in the end he refused to pafs it, so that the feffions concluded in an ill humour.

The rejecting of this bill occafioned furious difcontents, and produced the following warm debate.

"Mr. Brewer.] All agree, that the King hath a negative voice to bills: nobody hath a greater reverence to Parliaments than myfelf; but the bill rejected was liable to exceptions. I gave my vote to make the Prince of Orange King, but will never give my vote to unking him. I think it proper, in this cafe, for the King to exercise his negative voice."

<< Sir

"Sir John Thompson.] When I gave my voice to make the Prince of Orange King, I thought to have feen better times than thefe. If this matter go, and nothing be done, I expect nothing but that we fhall be Underlings to Courtiers. It is fit to confider the state of the nation in all parts of it; as in your quotas; fo if you confider your fleet, your convoys: look upon all mifcarriages, and you may hunt them to the cabinet; but there we must leave it, for we cannot find the hand that does the mischief. King Charles the Ift, was the first that fet up the cabinet; but he was taken down for it; fo was King James, his fon, and made a vagabond. All debates fhould be in council; now all things are huddled up. Our affairs are fecret, but our miscarriages open."

"Mr. Bromley.] The preamble of the bill declared. former corruptions, and fufpicion of the like now: the bill offers remedy, but we are denied it; which fpeaks this language, • The King will have us still corrupt." At length it was

"Refolved, That whoever advifed the King not to give the royal affent to the act touching free and impartial proceedings in Parliament, which was to redrefs a grievance, and take off a fcandal upon the proceedings of the Commons in Parliament, is an Enemy to their Majefties and the kingdom."

In confequence of this, a reprefentation was made to his Majefty, fetting forth how few the inftances have been in former reigns, of denying the royal affent to bills for redrefs of grievances; and the great grief of the Commons for his not having given the royal affent to feveral public bills; and particularly to the bill, touching free and impartial proceedings in Parliament, which tended fo much to,clear the reputation of the House.

To this, the King, as might well be fuppofed, gave an evafive answer: and no other, it is to be feared, will ever be obtained, to representations of this nature. We can only lament, that the bill rejected at this time, is likely to remain for ever among the defiderata of our conftitution: though it is evident, that it would more effectually fecure the freedom and independence of Parliaments, than all the laws now fubfifting for that purpose.

We are concerned that our limits will not allow us to gratify our Readers with extracts of many other curious and valuable paffages in thefe volumes: which, with all their defects, may be confidered as a very valuable acceffion to the stock of political knowlege. Though the abrupt, inelegant, obfcure manner in which they are, for the most part, expreffed, renders them dry

and

and unentertaining to a hafty Reader, yet they who pay due attention to matter, will find their time well beftowed in the perufal of thefe Debates.

The Police of France: Or, an Account of the Laws and Regulations eftablished in that Kingdom, for the Prefervation of Peace, and the preventing of Robberies. To which is added, a particu lar Defcription of the Police and Government of the City of Paris. 4to. 35. 6d. fewed. Owen and Harrison.

I may

T feem ftrange to affert, that Liberty is, in fome degree, an enemy to improvement. Neverthelefs, we may venture to fay, that, in a free country, it is more particularly difficult to establish new regulations, however certain we may be, that the proposed innovation would prove of general benefit to the community.

The multitude being governed by precedents and habits, rather than by reafon and reflection, conceive violent prejudices against all new expedients. Not being able to foresee the prohable confequences attending their execution, they are alarmed by a thoufand ideal dangers, which their fears and their ignorance fuggeft: and where every one has the privilege of being clamorous, though a projector had Linguæ centum, Oraque centum, Ferrea Vox, yet it would be in vain to contend against them.

Add to this, that as free kingdoms are generally divided into political parties, the moft falutary fchemes will not fail to be condemned by thofe in oppofition, who will practife on the public weaknefs and credulity, and perfuade them, that their liberties and properties are endangered, by the very measures which are calculated to fecure both.

Thus, fhould any attempt be made to regulate the Police of this nation, by borrowing improvements from our neighbours, our pretended Patriots would rejoice in an opportunity of rendering themfelves important among the rabble, whom they would induftrioufly tutor in the leffon of fedition.-No French government! No wooden fhoes! would refound throughout every part of the kingdom.

Nevertheless, every one is fenfible of the fhameful defects of our Police, which daily expofe us to the affaults of lawless and defperate ruffians; who are only to be difcovered and apprehended by mifcreants as abandoned as themselves. Thus the remedy is as bad as the difeafe, which will ever remain incurable, while

juftice

juftice is made a trade: a trade too, of which the profits accrue from the multitude of malefactors.

For us, who, as Reviewers, are of no party, and of no country, we do not fcruple to declare, that in the account of the French Police now before us, there are many laws and re- · gulations which might be fafely and profitably adopted for the better government of this country.

This very ingenious, and, we truft, juft account, firft exhibits a general view of the feveral jurifdictions established in France for the administration of juftice. In the next place, it gives a defcription of the particular eftablishment of the Marechaufeé in each province, for the prefervation of the peace, and the preventing of robberies on the highway: and thirdly, defcribes the regulations in force at Paris, for the like prefervation of the peace, and the preventing of ftreet robberies.

To thefe heads are added, a farther account of the French Police with regard to the maintainance of their poor; the fupport of their hofpitals; the duty of their magiftrates in fupplying wood and water, and other neceffary provifions; the preventing fires; the regulating of public companies; and the paving, cleaning, and lighting the ftreets. Likewife fome remarks on the extent and circumference of London and Paris, the number of their inhabitants, and the neceffity of circumfcribing the boundaries of each; concluding with an estimate of the expence of the Police.

Should we attempt to give the Reader a general idea of the feveral contents of fuch various articles, we fhould be led far beyond our destined limits: we shall therefore confine ourselves to the second and third articles, which defcribe the establishment of the Marechaufée for preventing robberies on the highway; and the regulations likewife for the preventing of ftreet rob

beries.

The Writer gives a very curious and accurate account of the rife and jurifdiction of the Marechaufée, which is now compofed of feveral companies, diftributed throughout the kingdom, one in every Generalité, of which there being thirty, confequently there muft be as many companies; over each of which there is a Prevot General, who conftantly refides in one of the printipal towns of his department, under whom are two or more Lieutenants, refiding in fome of the other diftricts: thefe command the Exempts, and thefe again command the several

A Generalité, in fome parts, comprehends one province; in others

two or more.

REV. June, 1763.

Ff

brigades