ministers did not hesitate to pray for the exiled, and those in captivity, that they might be restored. Beneath this calm, a storm was preparing. The royalists were for the moment silent, seeming to be struck with amazement. The republicans, whose leaders were among the officers of the army, determined shortly to end the rule of the son of the protector. Fleetwood may be regarded as their chief: but suffering the moment for immediate action to pass by, he sought to promote his schemes by obtaining the command of the army, to which he was appointed October 14th. It soon was evident that this party would come into collision with Richard, who looked for the support of his brother Henry and the army in Ireland, and the aid of Monk with the army in Scotland. For a time the public attention was engrossed by the magnificent funeral of the late protector. The body was placed in state at Somerset-house; but a private interment soon became necessary, while an effigy remained for several weeks with all the insignia of pomp, and a magnificent funeral procession was supposed to convey the remains to Westminster Abbey, on November 23rd. The expense of this pageantry is said to have amounted to sixty thousand pounds. Noble, who gives a minute description, states it at twenty-eight thousand pounds, of which considerably more than one thousand pounds was expended in banners and escutcheons, and heraldic pomp. A parliament was soon after summoned. The exhausted state of the finances rendered this necessary; but it was evident, that although many of the members were chosen under the influence of the ruling powers, by a return to the system of elections by boroughs, there was a decided intention to dispute the authority of Richard. It was calculated that about half the members were disposed to support the new protector; that about fifty were decided active republicans, led by Vane, Lambert, Haslerig, Ludlow, and others, joined by Fairfax; while a somewhat larger number were called moderates, or neuters between the two preceding parties: but many of these were in reality royalists; with some of these, Hyde, then one of the active counsellors of the exiled king, held constant intercourse. The acknowledgment of Richard as the rightful successor of his father, was the first business that engaged attention. Long debates ensued, which at last were ended by a sort of agreement that Richard should be recognised as protector, but that his powers should be limited. The next subject was the new house of peers: they were not fully acknowledged, though the Commons agreed, for the present, to "transact business with them." Many complaints of extortion and oppression followed, which were far from satisfactory to the military leaders, by whom these proceedings had, for the most part, been effected. Among other matters, it was declared that the price of the persons sold at Barbadoes as concerned in the rising of Penruddock was 1550 lbs. of sugar each, 66 more or less according to their working faculties." Among these were divines, officers, and gentlemen, who were treated as beasts of burden, and lodged in sties worse than those of hogs in England. Secretary Thurlow was also reflected upon, for having signed illegal mandates of Cromwell, ordering the transportation of obnoxious individuals without trial. There were two military councils: one sitting at Whitehall, under Falconberg, Ingoldsby, Whalley, Goffe, and others, whose object was to support the protector; the other at Wallingford-house, under Fleetwood, whose views were to limit the power of Richard. A third soon began to sit at St. James's, consisting of officers of a lower grade and more reckless spirit, guided by Lambert, Desborough, and others, whose efforts were directed to support what was called "the good old cause.' A "humble representation and petition," instigated by this body, was presented to Richard, who forwarded it to the House of Commons, where it was treated with neglect. The officers, however, acted with independence, and established a council of their leaders, seeking to make the approval of the death of Charles 1. a token of union. It soon was requisite to adopt decisive measures. The parliament voted that no meetings of the military should be held, without their approval and that of the protector. This brought on a decided collision. Desborough told the protector that the parliament must be dissolved by his authority, or the army would disperse the members. The immediate advisers of Richard recommended him to comply, and the parliament was dissolved by a commission, April 22nd, 1659. This proceeding was a mistake fatal to his interests; it was generally felt to be a resignation of power by the protector. Many of his supporters joined Fleetwood at Wallingford-house, while others sought to secure themselves by retiring from the court: but Fleetwood's supporters were themselves limited by the lower and more republican officers, who required that the long parliament should be restored, on the ground that its interruption by Cromwell was contrary to law. : To this proceeding there were many objections, but it was adopted. The members were summoned to resume proceedings in the names of Fleetwood and his council, which virtually showed that Richard no longer exercised the chief authority.. Lenthall, with about forty members of the old parliament, resumed their sittings under the protection of the soldiery who had expelled them from their house in 1653. A large body of members of that parliament still existed of one hundred and ninety-four of the Presbyterians expelled in 1648, nearly one hundred of these endeavoured to resume their seats, but were not admitted. Prynne alone gained entrance for a few hours. After some days, seventy of them were allowed to sit as subscribers of "the engagement;" the whole then assumed the government, while they were derided by the royalists, and called "the rump." Committees for business were appointed; and addresses promising support poured in; by degrees, adhesions came from the military leaders in Scotland and Flanders, also from the fleet. Henry Cromwell, for a time, was inclined to declare in favour of the exiled monarch: but while he hesitated, the castle of Dublin was secured for the parliament, and he was obliged to submit and retire. The government of Ireland was placed with a commission, and Ludlow appointed commander. The council at Wallingford-house dictated to the restored parliament. One proceeding disposed of Richard; who retired from Whitehall on receiving an engagement that his debts should be paid, and ten thousand pounds per annum settled upon him and his heirs; but it was not carried into effect. This neglect was unjust; but it probably assisted to preserve Richard from becoming an object of suspicion at the Restoration. To effect the payment of his debts, amount ing to about twenty-nine thousand pounds, he adopted such a humble mode of life, that he was not considered an object of jealousy by the king and his ministers. Fleetwood struggled for the full command of the army, while the republicans limited his power; and, though reluctantly, consented to receive their commissions from the parliament. All these proceedings in reality strengthened the royalists, who watched events with eager anxiety, while their opponents were thus weakening each other. The king now declared his intention of coming to England. August 1st was fixed for a general rising in almost every county; but sir Richard Willis, who was a leader for him in England, betrayed these designs, and the king was much surprised at a communication from Morland, one of the undersecretaries of state, who, to make his own peace, forwarded to the king at Brussels, some of the papers sent in by Willis. The republican leaders took precautions, on which Willis persuaded his confederates to forbid the rising, but not more than two days before the appointed time. This threw all into confusion: some remained at home, while others assembled in arms, and were immediately captured or dispersed. Sir George Booth and others, in Cheshire, were, for a time, successful: their proceedings were grounded rather on the Presbyterian than the royalist cause: they were soon alarmed, and dispersed by Lambert on August 19th. The news reached the continent just in time to prevent the embarkation of the duke of York at Boulogne, and of Charles at Rochelle. Admiral Montague had brought back the fleet from the North Sea, intending to join the royal cause; but heard of what passed just in time to excuse his neglect, by the pretext of a want of provisions. The jealousies between the parliament and the council of officers continued. Soldiery were arrayed on each side; but, instead of acts of blood, a strife of words followed. Haslerig threatened Lambert, which gave the latter a pretext for interfering. His soldiers prevented the speaker and other members from entering Palaceyard; the house ceased to sit; and the council of Wallingford-house again assumed the rule. Fleetwood and Lambert were placed in authority: but the change was very generally disapproved. The idea of military rule was not liked. The agents found little support in Ireland; while Monk, in Scotland, at once caused them to be imprisoned. For Monk now became prominent. the last seven years he had quietly exercised his command in Scotland, so as to gain strength, but without identifying himself with any party. Richard Crom well sought to obtain his support, but | He was joined by the agents of different without success. Charles 11. had made him considerable offers; but he never committed himself respecting them, though his wife and his chaplain advised him to join the royal cause. He had, however, prepared to support Booth; but news of his defeat came in time to prevent Monk sending a letter to the parliament, which would have showed his inclinations. The new interference with parliament called Monk forward. He declared he would support the parliament, as an "asserter of the ancient laws and liberties:" at the same time he removed many officers most attached to the parliamentary cause; but he soon felt that the difficulty of his position required action, and he prepared accordingly. Monk began his march southwards, and Lambert prepared to meet him, with a force of seven thousand men. The former gained strength by delay. Meanwhile the absence of Lambert encouraged the opponents of military power in London. One voice was even heard in parliament, suggesting the recall of Charles Stuart; but it was silenced. A part of the soldiery openly sought direction from Lenthall. The army was now divided. The part inclined to support the parliament prevailed, under the influence of Monk's declaration, and a similar statement issued from a part of the fleet in the river Thames. Fleetwood expressed himself humbled; and on his knees resigned his commission to Lenthall, who again assumed power. "The rump" resumed its sittings on December 26th. Their first proceeding was to disperse Lambert's army, and order the leaders to be arrested. Whitelock saw the inevitable tendency of all these proceedings, he urged Fleetwood to join the royal cause: but Vane interfered, and pledged him to maintain the commonwealth. A council of state was again formed, and an oath against the royal family enforced, while the remodelling of the army was daily proceeded with, in the course of which Fleetwood, Lambert, and others, were deprived of their commands. On January 1st, 1660, Monk entered England, and Fairfax took possession of York by agreement with him. Lambert retired his soldiers withdrew ; while Monk proceeded southwards. At York, Fairfax pressed him to declare for the king; but he said it would not be a safe course; the former then disbanded his followers, while Monk continued his march. parties, and had no small difficulty to avoid committing himself; but still professed the semblance of obedience to the parliament. On February 3rd, he quartered at Westminster, some regiments previously there having with difficulty been induced to withdraw by the desire of Monk, who was accompanied by five thousand men only. On the 6th, he attended the parliament, and received the thanks already voted. On this occasion, he used somewhat dictatorial language to the house; and declined to take the oath of abjuration, as all the other members of the council of state had not yet consented to it: but he expressed sincere devotion to the parliament, and cautioned against allowing either royalists or fanatics any share in the public authority. The The citizens of London had for some time evinced a growing spirit of loyalty, and thus showed decided symptoms of disobedience to the present parliament, expressing their intention not to pay any taxes, unless imposed by a parliament freely and duly elected. The leaders thought this a good opportunity at once to punish the refractory, and to render Monk unpopular. He was ordered on the 9th to march into the city, seize eleven of the citizens, and remove the gates, chains, and other means prepared for barricading the streets. He obeyed, but in a manner that showed unwillingness. His soldiers also were disgusted. Other circumstances increased his suspicions of the design against him. next day he prepared a letter, with the approval of his officers, complaining of their late employment, and demanding that the vacancies in the house should be filled up in preparation for a dissolution and the calling of a new parliament. He then marched again into the city; met the common council; declared that yesterday he had been their enemy by the command of others: but now he was come as a friend by his own free choice, determined that there should be a full and free parliament. Universal joy followed. Bells were rung; hundreds of bonfires were lighted at night; and rumps, or pieces of meat cut into that form, were roasted in every street. These events took place on Saturday. The next day was comparatively quiet, which gave opportunity for reflection. After repeated councils, on the 21st the expelled members of 1648 resumed their seats, on which Haslerig and his adher ents withdrew, which left a better opening | March 10th, the house repealed "the engagement." All this was enough to raise fears in those who had been active in republican proceedings. Some of them vainly tried to tempt Monk by the offer of supreme power. It was evident, the day for that party was gone by. When the parliament was dissolved, Monk ventured to express himself favourable to the royal cause. He received a letter from the king by sir John Gren reply. He asked the king to forward a letter suitable to be laid before the parliament; and advised Charles to promise liberty of conscience, an almost general pardon, the payment of arrears to the army, and confirmation of sales. for the royalists in the proceedings that followed. But Monk's conduct still puzzled the leaders of both parties. On this occasion, he made a speech which shows that he plainly saw the difficulties then existing, the impossibility of things remaining in their present state, and anticipated many of the events that followed. Among other observations, he used these remarkable expressions:-"I desire that you may be in perfect free-ville, but only ventured to send a verbal dom. Only give me leave to remind you, that the old foundations are, by God's providence, so broken, that, in the eye of reason, they cannot be restored but upon the ruins of the people of these nations; and the liberty of the people's representatives in parliament, will be certainly lost. For if the people find, after so long and bloody a war against the king for breaking in upon their liberties, that he must yet, at last, be taken in again, he may for the future dispose of parliament and parliament-men as he pleaseth, for the people will never more rise to their assistance. Besides, it is most manifest, that if the state be monarchical, the church must follow, and prelacy must be brought in; which these nations, I know, cannot bear, and against which they have so solemnly sworn. I must further say, that neither can they bear the sitting of the lords in a distinct house." Under the influence of the restored members, the party favourably inclined to the king, but with restrictions, prevailed. The presbyterian influence had the preponderance for a short time. A new council of state was selected, including several royalists. All votes since 1648 were annulled. Monk was appointed general. Booth and other cavaliers were liberated; the presbyterian faith and discipline declared to be the national religion, which involved an acknowledgment of kingly government; and the laws against papists were ordered to be enforced. Prynne, who, under all the varying circumstances of the times, had urged the rights of the people, as well as the due observance of the laws, did not hesitate to speak in support of the king. Sir Harbottle Grimstone also decidedly expressed an opinion that the king must be restored. It was declared that the present parliament should be dissolved on March 15th, and a new one meet on April 25th. Monk still refused to allow the house of peers to assemble, or in any way to acknowledge the royal authority; but on The news of this decided change of affairs in his favour was_received with much joy by Charles at Brussels. The easy suppression of the late attempt at a rising in his favour, had shown the king and his counsellors, that unless other matters favcured their cause, it was altogether hopeless. They were also aware, that if the frivolous and evil points in his character and conduct were generally known, few would be inclined to support him. But his counsellors at once showed the leaning of their party towards the same evils to which their predecessors in office had led his father. They contrived to limit the concessions apparently made in the royal declaration now required. Monk, however, professed himself satisfied. The king left Brussels after these documents were prepared. This was at the urgent advice of Monk, who had been apprized that the Spaniards purposed to detain Charles, to procure the restoration of Jamaica and Dunkirk, in case of his regaining the throne. He quitted that city just in time. The elections in England went forward. The moderate presbyterians, who were inclined to restore the king, united with the royalists, and formed the majority of the new parliament. The republicans were seriously alarmed, and Monk found increasing uneasiness in the army: but he had taken precautions, and got rid of many discontented spirits. Lambert escaped from the tower. He got together a few troops in Warwickshire; but they were dispersed by Ingoldsby, who took him prisoner on April 21st. The parliament met on April 25th. Sir Harbottle Grimstone, a presbyterian, was chosen speaker. The majority were decidedly favourable to the king. A considerable number of the peers assembled, including those shut out in 1648. By this time, Charles had secretly become a papist. The clergy around him had first disposed him that way, by the semipopery taught him by Cosens and others. That a weak and licentious prince should listen to the blasphemous assumptions and assurances of Romanism, when taught to give it a certain degree of respect and attention, is not wonderful. This is the natural course of things; and when once there is a departure from the simple doctrines of Scripture, all is a downward road to Rome; while the deluded votary, if a character like Charles, is secured by the liberty and indulgence to sin, which ever results from the doctrines of popery. The state of the unhappy prince was carefully concealed from the great body of the English royalists; but it must be noticed as affording a clue to the errors and faults of his reign. The communication from the king was now received in England by Monk, who continued his cautious proceeding. Grenville was directed to apply to see him at the council-chamber to present a letter. The royal arms upon it were noticed. He was admitted. On May 1st, the letters were presented to the two houses, and received with thanks. There were others addressed to the army and navy, and to the city of London. All were favourably received. The main points of the declaration from Breda, were, that the king granted a free pardon to all, excluding only those whom the parliament should except; and that no person should be disquieted or called in question for differences of opinion in matters of religion. In this state of affairs, Hyde, and Ormond, and others, who were leaders among the royalists and at the king's court, were anxious to hasten his return, lest there should be an attempt to make limitations. The votes carried, therefore, only declared that by the law the government was, and ought to be, by king, lords, and commons, and invited the king to come and receive the crown, which was his by hereditary right. All symbols of the commonwealth were ordered to be effaced. The name of the king was to be mentioned in public worship; his succession dated from his father's death; and money was voted to relieve his necessities. In this dilemma, judge Hale and Prynne endeavoured to induce the Com mons to attend to the national interest, by ordering an inquiry as to the concessions offered by Charles 1., and urging the importance of coming to a right understanding on matters of dispute between the king and the parliament. Well would it have been for the nation during the next thirty years and for the future fortunes of the house of Stuart, had this honest advice been listened to. But Monk craftily opposed all such proceedings, urging that they ought to have the king back while all were agreed, and asserting that he would be as much at their mercy as to limitations after his return as then. He knew the futility of such an argument; but he was pledged to the king in opposition to the national interest, and the royalists eagerly supported him. The king was now at the Hague, and as eager to return as his partizans were for his arrival. The fleet was ready to receive him. He embarked May 23rd, and landed at Dover on the 25th, where Monk awaited his arrival. He then proceeded to London in a sort of triumph. The military were arrayed at Blackheath, the civic authorities in St. George's-fields. This was on May 29th, the birth-day of Charles. A splendid procession brought him to Whitehall, where he was addressed by the two houses in language expressive of deep loyalty, which he returned by warm professions. When all had retired it was night, and Charles closed the day by saying to his intimates, that it must have been his own fault that he had been absent so long, for all declared that they had wished for his return! But licentious pleasure had hardened the heart of this weak prince. It is now known, that, instead of really expressing in private the sincere thanks which were called for by the Divine mercies so signally vouchsafed by Providence in his behalf, the end of this memorable day saw him engaged in licentious and sinful revelry with degraded and wicked companions. Well is it recorded in the holy writ, "Though a sinner do evil an hundred times, and his days be prolonged, yet surely I know that it shall be well with them that fear God, which fear before him: but it shall not be well with the wicked, neither shall he prolong his days which are as a shadow; because he feareth not before God," Eccl. viii. 12, 13. CITIES OF YUCATAN. THE following, says Mr. Norman, are the general characteristics of all these ruins. |