While these recent and honourable acknowledg. ments of their merits remained on record, in the journals and acts of that august legislature, the parlia ment, undefaced by the imputation or even the suspicion of any offence, they were alarmed by a new system of statutes and regulations, adopted for the administration of the colonies, that filled their minds with the most painful fears and jealousies; and, to their inexpressible astonishment, perceived the danger of a foreign quarrel quickly succeeded by domestic danger, in their judgment, of a more dreadful kind. Nor were these anxieties alleviated by any tendency in this system to promote the welfare of their mother country; for though its effects were more immediately felt by them, yet its influence appeared to be injurious to the commerce and prosperity of Great Britain. in a state of defence; which committee holds till near nine, when I am at the congress, and that sits till after four in the afternoon. Both these bodies proceed with the greatest unanotwithstanding the sufferings of your loyal colonists, during the course of this present controversy, our breasts retain too tender a regard for the kingdom from which we derive our origin, to request such a recon ciliation as might in any manner be inconsistent with her dignity or her welfare. These, related as we are to her, honour and duty, as well as inclination, induce us to support and advance; and the apprehensions that now oppress our hearts with unspeakable grief, being once removed, your majesty will find your faithful subjects on this continent ready and willing at all times, as they have ever been, with their lives and fortunes, to assert and maintain the rights and interests of your majesty, and of our mother country. We therefore beseech your majesty, that your royal authority and influence may be graciously interposed to procure us relief from our afflicting fears and jealousies, occasioned by the system beforementioned, and to settle peace through every part of your dominions; with all humility submitting to your ma jesty's wise consideration, whether it may not be ex pedient for facilitating those important purposes, that the united applications of your faithful colonists to the throne, in pursuance of their common councils, may be improved into a happy and permanent reconciliation; and that in the mean time, measures may be taken for preventing the further destruction of the lives of your majesty's subjects; and that such statutes as more immediately distress any of your majesty's colonies may he repealed. We shall decline the ungrateful task of describing the irksome variety of artifices, practised by many of your majesty's ministers, the delusive pretences, fruit-your majesty be pleased to direct some mode, by which less terrors, and unavailing severities, that have from time to time been dealt out by them, in their attempts to execute this impolitic plan, or of tracing through a series of years past, the progress of the unhappy differences between Great Britain and these colonies, that have flowed from this fatal source. Your majesty's ministers, persevering in their mea. sures, and proceeding to open hostilities for enforcing them, have compelled us to arm in our own defence, and have engaged us in a controversy so peculiarly abhorrent to the affections of your still faithful colonists, that when we consider whom we must oppose in this contest, and, if it continues, what may be the consequences, our own particular misfortunes are accounted by us only as parts of our distress. Knowing to what violent resentments, and incura ble animosities, civil discords are apt to exasperate and inflame the contending parties, we think ourselves required by indispensable obligations to Almighty God, to your majesty, to our fellow-subjects, and to ourselves, immediately to use all the means in our power, not incompatible with our safety, for stopping the further effusion of blood, and for averting the impending calamities that threaten the British empire. Thus called upon to address your majesty, on affairs of such moment to America, and probably to all your dominions, we are earnestly desirous of performing this office, with the utmost deference for your majesty: and we therefore pray, that your majesty's royal magnanimity and benevolence may make the most favourable construction of our expressions on so uncommon an occasion. Could we represent in their full force, the sentiments that agitate the minds of us your dutiful subjects, we are persuaded your majesty would ascribe any seeming deviation from reverence in our language, and even in our conduct, not to any reprehensible intention, but to the impossibility of reconciling the usual appearances of respect with a just attention to our own preservation, against those artful and cruel enemies, who abuse your royal confidence and au thority, for the purpose of effecting our destruction. Attached to your majesty's person, family, and government, with all the devotion that principle and affection can inspire, connected with Great Britain by the strongest ties that can unite societies, and deploring every event that tends in any degree to weaken them, we solemnly assure your majesty that we not only most ardently desire the former harmony between her and these colonies may be restored, but that a concord may be established between them, upon so firm a basis as to perpetuate its blessings, uninter rupted by any future dissensions, to succeeding genera tions in both countries, and to transmit your majesty's name to posterity, adorned with that signal and last ing glory, that has attended the memory of those illustrious personages, whose virtues and abilities have extricated states from dangerous convulsions, and, by securing happiness to others, have erected the most noble and durable monuments to their own fame. We beg leave further to assure your majesty, that For by such arrangements as your majesty's wisdom can form for collecting the united sense of your Ame. rican people, we are convinced your majesty would receive such satisfactory proofs of the disposition of the colonists towards their sovereign and parent state, that the wished-for opportunity would soon be restored to them, of evincing the sincerity of their professions, by every testimony of devotion, becoming the most dutiful subjects and the most affectionate colonists. That your majesty may enjoy a long and prosperous reign, and that your descendants may govern your dominions with honour to themselves and happiness to their subjects, is our sincere prayer. New Hampshire, John Langdon, Thomas Cushing. Massachusetts Bay. Rhode Island. Step. Hopkins, Sam. Ward, Eleph. Dyer, Connecticut. Roger Sherman, Silas Dean. New York. R. Livingston, jun., New Jersey. Wil. Livingston, John De Hart, Rich. Smith. Pennsylvania, Benj. Franklin, Philadelphia, July 8, 1775 JOHN HANCOCK. John Dickinson, George Ross, James Wilson, Chas. Humphreys. E. Biddle. Delaware County Casar Rodney, Tho. M'Kean, Geo. Read. Maryland. Mat. Tilghman, Tho. Johnson, jun., Wm Paca, Samuel Chase, Tho. Stone. Virginia. P. Henry, jun., Richard Henry Lee, Edmund Pendleton, Benj Harrison, Thos: Jefferson. North Carolina. Will. Hooper, Joseph Hewes. South Carolina. * Henry Middleton, Tho. Lynch, Christ. Gadsden, J. Rutledge, Edward Rutledge. nimity, and their meetings are well attended. | gress at length began to be uneasy, not know It will scarce be credited in Britain, that men can be as diligent with us, from zeal for the public good, as with you for thousands per annum. Such is the difference between uncorrupted new states, and corrupted old ones." It was about this time that Dr. Franklin addressed that memorable and laconic epistle to his old friend and companion Mr. Strahan, (then king's printer, and member of the British parliament for Malmsbury,) of which a fac-simile is given. The following proposed Introduction to a resolution of congress, (not passed) drawn up by Dr. Franklin, is also fully expressive of his warm feelings and sentiments at that period. Whereas the British nation, through great corruption of manners and extreme dissipation and profusion, both private and public, have found all honest resour ces insufficient to supply their excessive luxury and prodigality, and thereby have been driven to the prac tice of every injustice, which avarice could dictate or rapacity execute: and whereas, not satisfied with the immense plunder of the East, obtained by sacrificing millions of the human species, they have lately turned their eyes to the West, and grudging us the peaceable enjoyment of the fruits of our hard labour, and virtuous industry, have for years past been endeavouring to extort the same from us, under colour of laws regulat ing trade; and have thereby actually succeeded in draining us of large sums, to our great loss and detriment: and whereas, impatient to seize the whole, they have at length proceeded to open robbery, declaring by a solemn act of parliament, that all our estates are theirs, and all our property found upon the sea divisible among such of their armed plunderers as shall take the same; and have even dared in the same act to declare, that all the spoilings, thefts, burnings of houses and towns, and murders of innocent people, perpetrated by their wicked and inhuman corsairs on our coasts, previous to any war declared against us, were just actions, and shall be so deemed, contrary to several of the commandments of God, (which by this act, they presume to repeal) and to all the principles of right, and all the ideas of justice, entertained heretofore by every other nation, savage as well as civilized; thereby manifesting themselves to be hostes humani generis And whereas it is not possible for the people of Ame: rica to subsist under such continual ravages without making some reprisals, Therefore resolved, Affairs having now assumed a most serious aspect, it was necessary for the Americans to adopt proper and efficacious means of resistance. They possessed little or no coin, and even arms and ammunition were wanting. In this situation, the adoption of paper money became indispensably necessary, and Dr. Franklin was one of the first to point out the necessity and propriety of that measure. Without this succedaneum, it would have been impossible to have made any other than a feeble and a short resistance against Great Britain. The first emission, to the amount of three millions of dollars, accordingly took place on the 25th of July, 1775, under a promise of exchanging the notes against gold or silver in the space of three years; and towards the end of 1776, more than twenty-one millions additional were put in circulation. The con ing how it would be possible to redeem so large a sum; and some of its members having waited upon Dr. Franklin in order to consult him upon this occasion, he spoke to them as follows: "Do not make yourselves unhappy; continue to issue your paper money as long as it will pay for the paper, ink, and printing, and we shall be enabled by its means to liquidate all the expenses of the war.” In October, 1775, Dr. Franklin was appointed by congress, jointly with his colleagues colonel Harrison and Mr. Lynch, a committee to visit the American camp at Cambridge, and in conjunction with the commander in chief, (general Washington,) to endeavour to convince the troops, whose term of enlistment was about to expire, of the necessity of their continuing in the field, and persevering in the cause of their country. He was afterwards sent on a mission to Canada, to endeavour to unite that country to the common cause of liberty. But the Canadians could not be prevailed upon to oppose the measures of the British government.* The ill success of this negotiation was supposed to be occasioned in a great degree by religious animosities, which subsisted between the Canadians and their neighbours; some of whom had at different times burnt their places of worship. On his return from Canada, Dr. Franklin, under the direction of congress, wrote to M. Dumas, the American agent in Holland, urging him to sound the several governments of Europe, by means of their ambassadors at the Hague, as to any assistance they might be disposed to afford America, in case of her eventually breaking off all connexion with Britain, and declaring herself an independent nation. This decisive measure was now generally agitated throughout the colonies; though it is certain that at the beginning of the dif ferences, the bulk of the people acted from no fixed and determined principle whatever, and had not even an idea of independence; for all the addresses from the different colonies were filled with professions of loyalty towards their sovereign, and breathed the most ardent wishes for an immediate reconciliation. The congress deeming it advisable to know the general opinion on so important a point, took an opportunity of feeling the pulse of the people, and of preparing them for the declaration of independence, by a circular manifesto hands competent to print in French and English should accompany this mission. Two papers were written and circulated very extensively through Canada: but it was not until after the experiment had been tried, that it was found not more than one person in five hundred could not read. Dr. Franklin was accustomed to make the best of every occurrence, suggested that if it were intended to send another mission, it should be a mission composed of schoolmasters. *It was directed that a printing apparatus and o the several colonies, stating the causes kind, Thomas Jefferson, then one of the rewhich rendered it necessary that all authority presentatives in congress for Virginia: as a under the crown should be totally suppressed, document of considerable interest and curiand all the powers of government taken res- osity, and as a monument of one of the most pectively into their own hands. In support important political events in which Dr. Frankof this position, they instanced the prohibitory lin was concerned, it is here noticed. act, by which they were excluded from the protection of the crown; the rejection of their petitions for redress of grievances, and a reconciliation; and the intended exertion of all the force of Great Britain, aided by foreign mercenaries, for their destruction. In the beginning of this year, 1776, an act of the British parliament passed, to prohibit and restrain, on the one hand, the trade and intercourse of the refractory colonies, respectively, during their revolt; and on the other hand, to enable persons appointed by the BriAt length this important question was dis- tish king to grant pardons, and declare any cussed in congress, and at a time when the particular district in the king's peace, &c. fleets and armies which were sent to enforce Lord Howe (who had been previously apobedience, were truly formidable. The de- pointed commander of the British fleet in bate continued for several days, and the North America) was, on May 3, declared scheme encountered great opposition from joint commissioner with his brother general several distinguished orators. Eventually, Howe, for the latter purposes of the act. He however, notwithstanding all the disadvan- sailed May 12, and while off the coast of Mastages the country then laboured under, from sachusetts, prepared a declaration, announcing an army ignorant of discipline, and entirely this commission, and accompanied it with cirunskilled in the art of war;-without a fleet-cular letters. without allies--and with nothing but the love of liberty to support them; the colonies, by their representatives in congress, determined to separate from a country which had added injury to insult, and disregarded all the pacific overtures they had made to it. On this question Dr. Franklin was decidedly in favour of the measure proposed, and used all his great influence in bringing others over to his opinion. The public mind, which had already been drawn that way by the manifesto of congress, was now confirmed in its decision, by the appearance of Paine's celebrated pamphlet, "Common Sense;" and there is good reason to believe, that Dr. Franklin had no inconsiderable share, at least in furnishing materials for that work.* It was on the 4th day of July, 1776, that the thirteen English colonies in America declared themselves free and independent states, and by an act of congress abjured all allegiance to the British crown, and renounced all political connection with Great Britain. This public record, the first declaration of the rights of a people to establish, and if necessary to their happiness, to abrogate their own form of government, and to hold the sovereignty inalienably in the people, was produced in a committee of three members of congress; it was definitively. drafted (and adopted, with a few slight alterations) by that eminent patriot, philosopher, and friend of man *Thomas Paine did not affect any reserve on this point; without any inquiry on the subject, he stated to the writer of this note, that the suggestion of the papers, Common Sense, was made to him by Dr. Frank lin; and that the fulness of his ideas were such, that after a conversation with him, his own mind was so much excited, that he could not but communicate the spirit of the conversation in his essays; he also said that one or two papers were revised by the doctor, but Lord Howe took occasion to publish every where, that he had proposals to make on the part of Great Britain, tending to peace and reconciliation, and that he was ready to communicate them. He, at the same time, permitted the American general, Sullivan, to go on his parole, and give this intelligence to congress: he hoped, by this means, to create divisions in that body, and throughout the country. The congress were of opinion, the admiral could have no terms to offer, but such as the act of parliament empowered him to offer, which were, PARDON upon submission ; yet as the people might imagine more, and be uneasy if he was not heard, they appointed three of their body, Messrs. Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge, to meet him. His lordship chose Staten Island, which was in possession of the English troops, for the place of conference. The committee being arrived at Amboy, a small town in New Jersey, opposite to the island, and in possession of the Americans, the admiral sent over his barge to receive and bring them to him, and to leave one of his principal officers as a hostage for their safe return. The committee of congress had not desired a hostage, and they therefore took the officer back with them. The admiral met them at their landing, and conducted them through his guards to a convenient room for conference: he was surprised at their confidence, in bringing back his hostage; and more, at the little estimation in which they appeared to hold his offers of pardon, and of inquiring into grievances. He seemed to have flattered himself, that the congress, humbled by their late losses, would have been submissive and compliant: he found himself mistaken. The committee told him firmly, that if he had nothing else to propose, he was come too late: the humble petitions of congress had been rejected with contempt; of influence in the colonies upon the terms, independence was now declared, and the new but also to effect a lasting peace and re-union government formed. And when, in endea- between the two countries; were the temper vouring to cajole them, he expressed his "af- of the colonies such as professed in the last fection for America, his concern in viewing petition of the congress to the king. Ameher dangerous situation, and said that to see rica would have judged in the discussion how her fall would give him the same pain as to far the means were adequate to the end; both see a brother fall;" they answered, that it was for engaging her confidence and proving kind, but America would endeavour to spare our integrity. Nor did I think it necessary him that pain. to say more in my public declaration; not conceiving it could be understood to refer to peace, on any other conditions but those of mutual interest to both countries, which could alone render it permanent. They returned and reported the conference to congress, who published it, and the people were satisfied that they had no safety but in arms. Part of the correspondence between lord "But as I perceive, from the tenor of your Howe and Dr. Franklin on this occasion, and letter, how little I am to reckon upon the adthe joint report of the American commission- vantage of your assistance for restoring that ers on the result of their mission, was pub- permanent union which has long been the lished; the first letter of lord Howe and the object of my endeavours, and which I flattered answer of the doctor, have been already pub-myself when I left England, would be in the lished; but the reply of lord Howe, and the following prefatory note, by doctor Franklin, have not appeared before the present time. compass of my power; I will only add, that as the dishonour to which you deem me exposed by my military situation in this country, has effected no change in your sentiments of personal regard towards me, so shall no difference in political points alter my desire of proving how much I am your sincere and obedient humble servant, HOWE." To the same. "EAGLE, June 20, 1776. "I CANNOT, my worthy friend, permit the letters and parcels, which I have sent (in the state I received them) to be landed, without adding a word upon the subject of the injurious extremities in which our unhappy disputes have engaged us. These letters were published in London, to show the insolence of the insurgents, in refusing the offer of pardon upon submission made to them by the British plenipotentiaries. They undoubtedly deserve the attention of the public for another reason, the proof they afford that the commerce of America is deemed by the ministry themselves of such vast importance, as to justify the horrid and expensive war they are now waging, to maintain the monopoly of it; that being the principal cause stated by lord Howe; though their pensioned writers and speakers in parliament have affected to treat that commerce as a trifle. And they demonstrate further, of how "You will learn the nature of my mission, much importance it is to the rest of Europe, from the official despatches, which I have rethat the continuance of that monopoly should commended to be forwarded by the same conbe obstructed, and the general freedom of veyance. Retaining all the earnestness I trade, now offered by the Americans, pre- ever expressed, to see our differences accomserved; since, by no other means, the enor-modated; I shall conceive, if I meet with mous growing power of Britain, both by sea and land, so formidable to her neighbours, and which must follow her success, can possibly be prevented. "To Dr. Franklin. EAGLE, off Staten Island, August 16, 1776. "I am sorry, my worthy friend, that it is only on the assurances you give me, of, my having still preserved a place in your esteem, that I can now found a pretension to trouble you with a reply to your favour of the 21st, past. "I can have no difficulty to acknowledge, that the powers I am invested with, were never calculated to negotiate a re-union with America, under any other description than as subject to the crown of Great Britain: but I do esteem those powers competent, not only to confer and negotiate with any gentlemen the disposition in the colonies which I was once taught to expect, the most flattering hopes of proving serviceable in the objects of the king's paternal solicitude, by promoting the establishment of lasting peace and union with the colonies. But if the deep-rooted prejudices of America, and the necessity of preventing her trade from passing into foreign channels, must keep us still a divided people; I shall, from every private as well as public motive, most heartily lament, that this is not the moment wherein those great objects of my ambition are to be attained; and that I am to be longer deprived of an opportunity, to assure you personally of the regard with which I am your sincere and faithful humble servant, HOWE. "P. S. I was disappointed of the opportunity I expected for sending this letter, at the time it was dated; and have ever since been prevented by calms and contrary winds from siness. "Directing pardons to be offered to the colonies, who are the very parties injured, expresses indeed that opinion of our ignorance, baseness, and insensibility, which your uninformed and proud nation has long been pleased to entertain of us; but it can have no other effect than that of increasing our resentments. It is impossible we should think of submission to a government, that has, with the most wanton barbarity and cruelty, burn ed our defenceless towns in the midst of winter; excited the savages to massacre our (peaceful) farmers; instigated our slaves to murder their masters; and is even now* bringing foreign mercenaries to deluge our settlements with blood. These atrocious injuries have extinguished every spark of affection for that parent country we once held so dear: but were it possible for us to forget and forgive them, it is not possible for you (I mean the British nation) to forgive the people you have so heavily injured; you can never confide again in those as fellow-subjects, and permit them to enjoy equal freedom, to whom you know you have given such just causes of lasting enmity; and this must impel you, were we again under your government, to endeavour the breaking our spirit by the severest tyranny, and obstructing by every means in your power our growing strength and prosperity. "But your lordship mentions 'the king's paternal solicitude for promoting the establishment of lasting peace and union with the colonies.' If by peace is here meant, a peace to be entered into by distinct states, now at war; and his majesty has given your lordship powers to treat with us of such a peace, I may venture to say, though without authority, that I think a treaty for that purpose not quite impracticable, before we enter into foreign *About this time the Hessians, &c. had arrived from Europe, and were landed at Staten Island and New alliances. But I am persuaded you have no such powers. Your nation, though, by punishing those American governors who have fomented the discord, rebuilding our burnt towns, and repairing as far as possible the mischiefs done us, she might recover a great share of our regard, and the greatest share of our growing commerce, with all the advantages of that additional strength, to be derived from a friendship with us; yet I know too well her abounding pride and deficient wisdom, to believe she will ever take such salutary measures.. Her fondness for conquest as a warlike nation; her lust of dominion as an ambitious one; and her thirst for a gainful monopoly as a commercial one (none of them legitimate causes of war) will join to hide from her eyes every view of her true interest, and continually goad her on in these ruinous distant expeditions, so destructive both of lives and of treasure, that they must prove as pernicious to her in the end, as the Croisades formerly were to most of the nations of Europe. "I have not the vanity, my lord, to think of intimidating, by thus predicting the effects of this war; for I know it will in England have the fate of all my former predictions; not to be believed till the event shall verify it. 66 Long did I endeavour, with unfeigned and unwearied zeal, to preserve from breaking that fine and noble porcelain vase-the British empire; for I knew that being once broken, the separate parts could not retain even their share of the strength and value that existed in the whole; and that a perfect re-union of those parts could scarce ever be hoped for. Your lordship may possibly remember the tears of joy that wetted my cheek, when, at your good sister's in London, you once gave me expectations, that a reconciliation might soon take place. I had the misfortune to find these expectations disappointed, and to be treated as the cause of the mischief I was labouring to prevent. consolation under that groundless and malevolent treatment, was, that I retained the friendship of many wise and good men in that country; and among the rest, some share in the regard of lord Howe. My The well-founded esteem, and permit me to say affection, which I shall always have for your lordship, make it painful to me to see you engaged in conducting a war, the great ground of which (as described in your letter) is the necessity of preventing the American trade from passing into foreign channels.' To me it seems, that neither the obtaining or retaining any trade, how valuable soever, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood; that the true and sure means of extending and securing commerce, are the goodness and cheapness of commodities; and |