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purpose they please : but only to pay the debts, or provide for the welfare of the Union. In like manner, they are not to do any thing they please, to provide for the general welfare, but only to lay taxes for that purpose. To consider the latter phrase, not as describing the purpose of the first, but as giving a distinct and independent power to do any act they please, which might be for the good of the Union, would render all the preceding and subsequent enumerations of power completely useless. It would reduce the whole instrument to a single phrase, that of instituting a Congress with power to do whatever would be for the good of the United States, and as they would be the sole judges of the good or evil, it would be also a power to do whatever evil they pleased. It is an established rule of construction, where a phrase will bear either of two meanings, to give it that which will allow some meaning to the other parts of the instrument, and not that which will render all the others useless. Certainly, no such universal power was meant to be given them. It was intended to lace them up straitly within the enumerated powers, and those without which, as means, these powers could not be carried into effect. It is known that the very power now proposed as a means, was rejected as an end by the convention which formed the constitution. A proposition was made to them, to authorise Congress to open canals, and an amendatory one, to empower them to incorporate. But the whole was rejected; and one of the reasons of rejection urged in debate was, that they then would have a power to erect a bank, which would render the great cities, where there were prejudices and jealousies on that subject, adverse to the reception of the constitution.

2. The second general phrase is, 'to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the enumerated powers. But they can all be carried into execution without a bank. A bank, therefore, is not necessary, and, consequently, not authorised by this phrase.

It has been much urged, that a bank will give great facility or convenience in the collection of taxes. Suppose this were true: yet the constitution allows only the means which are necessary,' not those which are merely convenient,' for effecting the enumerated powers. If such a latitude of construction be allowed to this phrase, as to give any non-enumerated power, it will go to every one ; for there is no one which ingenuity may not torture into a convenience, in some way or other, to some one of so long a list of enumerated powers. It would swallow up all the delegated powers, and reduce the whole to one phrase, as before observed. Therefore it was, that the constitution restrained them to the ne

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cessary means, that is to say, to those means, without which the grant of the power would be nugatory.

But let us examine this convenience,' and see what it is. The report on this subject, page 2, states the only general convenience to be, the preventing the transportation and re-transportation of money between the States and the treasury. (For I pass over the increase of circulating medium ascribed to it as a merit

, and which, according to my ideas of paper money, is clearly a demerit.) Every State will have to pay a sum of tax money into the treasury; and the treasury will have to pay, in every State, a part of the interest on the public debt, and salaries to the officers of government resident in that State. In most of the States, there will still be a surplus of tax money to come up to the seat of government, for the officers residing there. The payments of interest and salary in each State, may be made by treasury orders on the State collector. This will take

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the greater part of the money he has collected in his State, and consequently prevent the great mass of it from being drawn out of the State. there be a balance of commerce in favor of that State, against the one in which the government resides, the surplus of taxes will be remitted by the bills of exchange drawn for that commercial balance. And so it must be if there were a bank. But if there be no balance of commerce, either director circuitous, all the banks in the world could not bring us the surplus of taxes but in the form of money. Treasury orders, then, and bills of exchange, may prevent the displacement of the main mass of the money collected, without the aid of any bank: and where these fail, it cannot be prevented, even with that aid.

Perhaps, indeed, bank bills may be a more convenient vebicle than treasury orders. But a little difference in the degree of convenience, cannot constitute the necessity which the constitution makes the ground for assuming any non-enumerated power.

Besides, the existing banks will, without doubt, enter into arrangements for lending their agency, and the more favorable, as there will be a competition among them for it. Whereas, this bill delivers us up bound to the national bank, who are free to refuse all arrangements but on their own terms, and the public not free, on such refusal, to employ any other bank. That of Pbiladelphia, I believe, now does this business by their post notes, which, by an arrangement with the treasury, are paid by any State collector to whom they are presented. This expedient alone, suffices to prevent the existence of that necessity which may justify the assumption of a non-enumerated power, as a means for carrying into effect an enumerated one. The thing may be done,

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and has been done, and well done, without this assumption; therefore, it does not stand on that degree of necessity which can honestly justify it.

It may be said, that a bank whose bills would have a currency all over the States, would be more convenient than one whose currency is limited to a single State. So it would be still more convenient, that there should be a bank whose bills should have a currency all over the world. But it does not follow from this superior conveniency, that there exists any where a power to establish such a bank, or that the world may not go on very well without it.

Can it be thought that the constitution intended, that for a shade or two of convenience, more or less, Congress should be authorised to break down the most antient and fundamental laws of the several States, such as those against mortmain, the laws of alienage, the rules of descent, the acts of distribution, the laws of escheat and forfeiture, and the laws of monopoly. Nothing but a necessity invincible by any other means, can justify such a prostration of laws, which constitute the pillars of our whole system of jurisprudence. Will Congress be too strait laced to carry the constitution into honest effect, unless they may pass over the foundation laws of the State governments, for the slighest convenience to theirs ?

The negative of the President is the shield provided by the constitution, to protect against the invasions of the legislature, 1. the rights of the Executive ; 2. of the Judiciary; 3. of the States and State legislatures. The present is the case of a right remaining exclusively with the States, and is, consequently, one of those intended by the constitution to be placed under his protection.

It must be added, however, that unless the President's mind, on a view of every thing which is urged for and against this bill, is tolerably clear that it is unauthorised by the constitution, if the pro and the con hang so even as to balance his judgment, a just respect for the wisdom of the legislature would naturally decide the balance in favor of their opinion. It is chiefly for cases where they are clearly misled by error, ambition, or interest, that the constitution has placed a check in the negative of the President.

Th: JEFFERSON. February 15, 1791.

INDEX.

A.

Adams John, letters to, 168, 170, 191, 193, 201, 204, 222, 226,

240, 261, 266, 271, 296, 299, 300, 308, 309, 314, 319, 329,

338, 350, 355, 361, 363, 378, 380; letter from, 356.
Adams Mrs. letters to, 17, 22, 26.
Adams John Quincy, letter to, 439.
Albemarle County, letter to the inhabitants of, 128.
ANAS, 443.
Austin Benjamin, letter to, 280.

B.

Barry William T. letter to, 352.
Barton Doctor, letter to, 132.
Bidwell Mr. letter to, 56.
Bowdoin Mr. letters to, 59, 70, 95.
Breckenridge General, letter to, 341.
Brown Doctor James, letter to, 114.
Burwell W. A. letter to, 61.

C.
Cabell Joseph C. letters to, 238, 333, 340, 386, 411.
Carr Dabney, letter to, 269.
Cartwright Major John, letter to, 393.
Claiborne Governor, letter to, 25.
Colvin J. B. letter to, 149.
Cooper Doctor, letter to, 358.
Crawford William H. letter to, 283.

D.
Dearborne General, letters to, 148, 165, 257.
Dickinson John, letter to, 64.
VOL. IV.

67

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