ruins fo many in this world, and damns them in the world to come, RICHES ARE THE CRITERION OF HAPPINESS-Surely the language which was addreffed to the church at Laodecea, may be, with equal propriety, addressed to you: "Thou fayeft, I am rich and increased with goods, and have need of nothing; and knowest "not that thou art wretched, and miferable, " and poor, and blind, and naked."

But I hope better things, because I am perfuaded, that the criminal fupineness of many, proceeds principally from want of confideration. When I look at fome of my friends in private life-When I behold them adorned with all thofe virtues which make men happy in themfelves, and a bleffing to all around them-While on the one hand it is my endeavour humbly to imitate them-Will they forgive me on the other for preffing upon them the important advice-BE CONSISTENT. Recollect you have public as well as private duties to discharge. Act upon the fame principles in public life as in private, and you will be bleffings not only to your families, and friends, but to your country.

To conclude. Our prefent fituation is fuch, that nothing but a very effential alteration, both in church and state, can preserve either our religion, or our liberties. And the only alterna

tive left us is, whether we fhall immediately purfue the neceflary means to effect that alteration in a peaceable manner, or whether we shall run the risk of an event much to be deprecated; a Revolution! France has not only fet before us an example, but a warning. The diftress occafioned by the misconduct of her former rulers, and the unavoidable agitations accompanying her late change, call upon us to beware. Should we ever be in a fimilar fituation, as we have not fuch vaft resources, we must experience greater diftrefs, and more violent concuffions. Let us likewise attend to what is now transacting in this kingdom: let us take care, left from the zeal of republicanism on the one hand, and the depravity of the legislature on the other-Our constitution--Our king-Our church—-Our liberties-Our laws-fhould be involved in one common ruin. The only poffible way to preserve them is, A REFORMATION; which if not effected, we must then be forced to a remedy, which may prove almost as defperate as the difcafe-A REVOLUTION.

APPEN

APPENDIX.

INCE the former part of this work was printed, the bufinefs of the SLAVE TRADE has been again brought before the House of Commons, and its enormities again expofed. It appears, on a moderate computation, that between 40 and 50,000 flaves are annually imported into our iflands, from whence many are exported to other islands, and that one third of this number, 14,000, are annually murdered by the methods taken to procure them, or by the cruelties committed in the middle paffage, and in what is called the feofoning in the Weft Indies. Upwards of five hundred petitions were prefented during the late feffion, praying for the lition; and had the house of commons fairly reprefenthe people, they would have paffed a bill for the tot in immediate abolition, and have deferred the fupplies, that bill had paffed the Lords, and received the roya

But what was the conduct of the bate, the motion for the abolition

houfe? After muc in the enfuing year was rejected. Another motion for the abolition in the year 1795, was likewife rejected. At length, a refolution paffed the committee, by a fmall majority, deferring the period to the year 1796; and thus an additional

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additional fanction was given, by a British house of commons, to the continuance of a system of robbery, plunder, rapine, kidnapping, and murder! Archdeacon Paley, in his Principles of moral and political Philosophy, (see the Chapter on Slavery), intimates, that a Legislature which had fo long fanctioned the Slave Trade was not fit to be trufted with the concerns of the British empire. This intimation was given before the late dreadful mass of evidence was brought forward. We may therefore now with propriety afk-What opinion ought the public to entertain of the prefent House of Commons? Are the men, who are called our representatives, most fit to be the representatives of a nation of FREEMEN, of BRITONS; or of a Banditti of SLAVE TRADERS and MURDERERS ?

If our indignation on this fubject can be increased, it furely must be so, by confidering the conduct of the House of Lords. The refolution of the Commons, although it was not framed into a bill; and although it only afforded a distant, uncertain profpect of humanity; was fet afide, by the determination of their Lordships to examine evidence on a fubject, which has been impartially and fully investigated for these fix years paft, both by the Privy Council, and by a Committee of the House of Commons. And thus the business has been entirely got rid of. When I reflect on the conduct of the upper house on this occafion, I cannot help asking-What were those Lords who call themselves SPIRITUAL-THE SUCCESSORS OF THE APOSTLES THE BISHOPS-about? Where was their christianity, or even their humanity, when they fuffered the accurfed traffic to continue, without making a fingle effort to abolish it -How could a RoYAL DUKE be fo

in

The criminal indifference of the Epifcopal bench on this occafion, affords a ftriking comment on the remarks of a clergyman of the establishment, just published. "True virtue and true religion produce an active,

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