christianity, undoubtedly the cultivation of them has corrupted the gospel in our times, as much as the cultivation of more ancient philosophy corrupted it in early ages. Indeed whatever pretends to incorporate with the gospel, and is yet not christian, must do mischief by the effect of the combination, however speciously it may address itself to the reason of man, prejudiced by self-conceit and the love of sin.

And here we shut up the view of the second century, which, for the most part, exhibited proofs of divine grace as strong, or nearly so, as the first. We have seen the same unshaken and simple faith of Jesus, the same love of God and of the brethren, and that in which they singularly excelled modern christians, the same heavenly spirit and victory over the world. But a dark shade is enveloping these divine glories. The Spirit of God is grieved already by the ambitious intrusions of selfrighteousness, argumentative refinements, and pharisaic pride; and though it be more common to represent the most sensible decay of godliness as commencing a century later, to me it seems already begun. Yet the effects of the first out-pouring of the Spirit, and some rich communications of the same Spirit will appear in the third century.

CENTURY III.

CHAPTER I.

Irenæus.

BEFORE we proceed with the orderly course of events in this century, it may be convenient to continue the account of authors belonging to the last, whose deaths happened within this. We meet with four celebrated men of this description; Irenæus, Tertullian, Pantænus, and Clement of Alexandria.

Of Irenæus it were to be wished we had a more copious account. The place of his birth is quite uncertain. His name, however, points him out to be a Grecian. His instructors in christianity were Papias, bishop of Hierapolis, and the renowned Polycarp. The former is generally allowed to have been a man of real sanctity, but of slender capacity. He, as well as Polycarp, had been a disciple of St. John, and with all the imbecility of judgment which is ascribed to him, might, under God, have been of signal service to Irenæus. But the instructions of Polycarp seem to have made the deepest impressions on his mind from early life.

The church of Lyons, we have seen, was a daughter of the church of Smyrna, or of the other neighbouring churches. Pothinus must have been a Greek as well as Irenæus; who as presbyter assisted the venerable prelate in his old age. His concern in writing the account of the martyrdoms of Lyons has been already mentioned. After the death of Pothinus, about the year 169, he succeeded him. Never was any pastor more severely tried by a tempestuous scene. Violent persecution without, and subtile heresies within, called for the exertion, at once, of consummate dexterity and of magnanimous resolution. Irenæus was favoured

with a large measure of both, and weathered out the But heresy proved a more constant enemy than persecution. The multiplication of it in endless refinements induced him to write his book against heresies, which must have been at that time a very seasonable work. His vigour and charity also in composing the insignificant disputes about Easter have been noticed.

The beginning of the third century was marked with the persecution under Septimius Severus, the successor of Julian. He himself had most probably directed the persecution at Lyons, in which Pothinus suffered, and when he began to persecute as emperor, he would naturally recall the idea of Lyons, and of the persecution in which he had so large a share.* Gregory of Tours, and the ancient martyrologists inform us, that after several torments Irenæus was put to death, and together with him almost all the christians of that populous city, whose numbers could not be reckoned, so that the streets of Lyons flowed with the blood of christians. We may easily allow that this is a rhetorical exaggeration. Yet I see no reason with some to deny the truth of this second persecution at Lyons, and of Irenæus suffering martyrdom under it. Gregory of Tours is not the best authority, but there is no circumstance of improbability here. The silence of Eusebius affords no argument to the contrary, because he is far from relating the deaths of all celebrated christians. Of those in the west particularly, he is by no means copious in his narrative, and the natural cruelty of Severus, added to his former connexion with Lyons, gives to the fact a strong degree of credibility.

The labours of Irenæus in Gaul were doubtless of the most solid utility. Nor is it a small instance of the humility and charity of this great man, accurately versed as he was in Grecian literature, that he took pains to learn the barbarous dialect of Gaul, conformed himself to the rustic manners of an illiterate people, and renounced the politeness and elegant traits of his own country, for the love of souls. Rare fruit of christian

Cave's life of Irenæus.

charity and highly worthy the attention of pastors in an age like this, in which so many undertake to preach christianity, and yet distinguish themselves in any thing rather than in what peculiarly belongs to their office!

His book of heresies is nearly the whole of his writings that have escaped the injuries of time. His assiduity and penetration are equally remarkable in analyz ing and dissecting all the fanciful schemes, with which heretics had disgraced the christian name. It is easy to see that his views of the gospel are in the same style as those of Justin,* whom he quotes, and with whose works he appears to have been acquainted. Like him he is silent, or nearly so, on the election of grace, which from the instructors of his early age he must often have heard. And like him he defends the Arminian notion of free-will, and by similar arguments.† His philosophy seems to have had the same influence on his mind, to darken some truths of scripture, and to mix the doctrine of Christ with some human inventions.

There is not much of pathetic, practical, or experimental religion in the work. The author's plan, which led him to keep up a constant attention to speculative errors, did not admit it. Yet there is every where so serious and grave a spirit, and now and then such displays of godliness, as shew him very capable of writing what might have been singularly useful to the church in all ages.

He makes a strong use of the argument of tradition in support of the apostolical doctrine against the novel heresies. His acquaintance with primitive christians gave him a great right to press this argument, and the force of it in a certain degree is obvious. The papists have perverted these declarations of his into an argument in favour of their church. But what may not men pervert and abuse? The reasonable use of tradi tion, as a collateral proof of christian doctrines, is not hence invalidated. What he observes here concerning

B. 4. ch. 14.

B. 4. ch. 72.-quia in nobis sit, seems equivalent to Justin's Εξεσία.

the barbarous nations is remarkable.* "If there was any doubt concerning the least article, ought we not to have recourse to the most ancient churches where the apostles lived? But what would it signify if the apostles had left us no writings? Ought we not to follow the tradition which they left to those with whom they committed the care of the churches? It is what several barbarous nations observe, who believe in Jesus without paper or ink, having the doctrine of salvation written on their hearts by the Holy Ghost, and faithfully keeping up to ancient tradition concerning one God the Creator and his Son Jesus Christ. Those who have received this faith without scripture, are barbarians as to their manner of speaking, compared with us; but as to their sentiments and behaviour, they are very wise and very agreeable to God, persevering in the practice of justice and charity. And if any one should preach to them in their language, what the heretics have invented, they would immediately stop their ears and flee far off, and would not even hear those blasphemies."

Thus it appears that to the illiterate barbarians tradition, though a poor substitute, supplied the place of the written word. We may not, however, suppose that their faith was blind and implicit. Our author gives a strong testimony to their godliness, and those of them who were taught indeed of God would have in themselves the strongest and most reasonable of all proofs of the divinity of their religion. Of the Holy Spirit's influences, and of the native energy of divine truth on the hearts and lives of very illiterate men, we seem to have here a very valuable testimony.

There is no new thing under the sun; the artifices of the Valentinians in alluring men to their communion are specimens of the wiles of heretics in all ages.† "In public they use alluring discourses, because of the common christians, as they call those who wear the christian name in general; and to entice them to come often,

B. 3. ch. 4.-See Fleury's Church History on the subject of the Works of the Fathers, vol. i. b.4. † B. 3. ch. 15.