situation in which Spain and the American provinces stood, and now stand to each other, as in the external relations and the internal circumstances of the provinces themselves, that it would be vain to hope that any mediation, not founded on the basis of independence, could now be successful. The best proof which the British government can give of the interest which it continues to feel for Spain is, to state frankly their opinion as to the course most advisable to be pursued by his catholic majesty; and to answer with the like frankness the question implied in M. Ofalia's instruction, as to the nature and extent of their own relations with Spanish America. There is no hesitation in answering this question. The subjects of his majesty have for many years carried on trade and formed commercial connexions in all the American provinces, which have declared their separation from Spain. This trade was orginally opened with the consent of the Spanish government. It has grown gradually to such an extent as to require some direct protection, by the establishment at several ports and places in those provinces, of consuls on the part of this country -a measure long deferred out of delicacy to Spain, and not resorted to at last without distinct and timely notification to the Spanish government. As to any further step to be taken by his majesty towards the acknowledgment of the de facto governments of America, the decision must (as already has been stated more than once to Spain and to other powers) depend upon various cir cumstances; and, among others, upon the reports which the British government may receive of the actual state of affairs of the several American provinces. But it appears manifest to the British government, that if so large a portion of the globe should remain much longer without any recognized political existence, or definite political connexion with the established governments of Europe, the consequences of such a state of things must be at once most embarrassing to those governments, and most injurious to the interests of all European nations. For these reasons, and not from mere views of selfish policy, the British government is decidedly of opinion, that the recognition of such of the new states as have established de facto their separate political existence, cannot be much longer delayed. The British government have no desire to anticipate Spain in that recognition. On the contrary, it is on every account their wish, that his catholic majesty should have the grace and the advantage of leading the way, in that recognition, among the powers of Europe. But the court of Madrid must be aware, that the discretion of his majesty in this respect cannot be indefinitely bound up by that of his catholic majesty; and that even before many months elapse, the desire now sincerely felt by the British government, to leave this precedency to Spain, may be overborne by considerations of a more comprehensive nature,-considerations regarding not only the essential interests of his majesty's subjects, but the relations of the old world with the new. ; Should Spain resolve to avail herself of the opportunity yet within her power, the British government would, if the court of Madrid desired it, willingly afford its countenance and aid to a negotiation, commenced on that only basis which appears to them to be now practicable; and would see, without reluctance, the conclusion, through a negotiation on that basis, of an arrangement by which the mother country should be secured in the enjoyment of commercial advantages superior to those conceded to other nations. For herself, Great Britain asks no exclusive privileges of trade, no invidious preference, but equal freedom of commerce for all. If Spain shall determine to persevere in other counsels, it cannot but be expected that Great Britain must take her own course upon this matter, when the time for taking it shall arrive; of which Spain shall have full and early intimation. Nothing that is here stated can occasion to the Spanish government any surprise. In my despatch to sir Charles Stuart of 31st of March, 1823, which was communicated to the Spanish government, the opinion was distinctly expressed, that "time and the course of events had substantially decided the separation of the colonies from the mother country; although the formal recognition of those provinces, as independent states, by his majesty, might be hastened or retarded by various external circumstances, as well as by the more or less satisfactory progress, in each state, towards a regular and settled form of government." At a subsequent period, in communications* made, in the first instance to France, and afterwards to other powers,† as well as to Spain, the same opinions were repeated; with this specific addition, that in The memorandum of conference,--No. 1. † Austria, Russia, Prussia, Portugal, the Netherlands, and the United States of America. either of two cases (now happily not likely to occur) in that of any attempt on the part of Spain to revive the obsolete interdiction of intercourse with countries over which she has no longer any actual dominion; or in that of the employment of foreign assistance to re-establish her dominion in those countries by force of arms; the recognition of such new states by his majesty would be decided and immediate. After thus declaring to you, for the information of the court of Madrid, the deliberate opinion of the British government on the points on which Spain requires the advice of her allies, it does not appear to the British cabinet at all necessary to go into a conference, to declare that opinion anew; even if it were perfectly clear, from the tenour of Mr. Ofalia's instruction, that Great Britain is in fact included in the invitation to the conference at Paris. Every one of the powers so invited has been constantly and unreservedly apprised, not only of each step which the British government has taken, but of every opinion which it has formed on this subject-and this despatch will be communicated to them all. If those powers should severally come to the same conclusion with Great Britain, the concurrent expression of their several opinions cannot have less weight in the judgment of Spain,---and must naturally be more acceptable to her feelings, than, if such concurrence, being the result of a conference of five powers, should carry the appearance of a concerted dictation. If (unhappily as we think) the allies, or any of them, should come to a different conclusion, we shall at least have avoided the inconvenience of a discussion, by which our own opinion Abstract of the Net Produce of the Revenue of Great Britain in the Year ending 10th of October, 1823, and 10th of October, 1824, distinguishing the Quarters. QUARTERS ENDED Year ended Jan. 5, 1823. April 5, 1823. | July 5, 1823. Oct. 10, 1824. Oct. 10, 1823. 1,450,987 1,573,854 1,620,011 1,611,945 6,256,797 Taxes under the management of the Commissioners of Taxes, including Arrears of Property-tax 2,545,231 861,764 2,631,415 749,614 6,788,024 Post-office. ... 324,000 330,000 333,000 363,000 1,350,000 One shilling and sixpence and four shillings in the pound on Pensions Small branches of the King's Hereditary Revenue. Surplus Fees, Regulated Public Offices 3,093 4 2,274 700 6,071 31,976 7,216 133 13,719 53,044 pay off Exchequer Bills charged on the Annual Duties Applied as part of the Ways and Means of the year 252,225 136,011 863,756 1,710,710 2,962,702 .... 608,727 507,953 3,983 1,120,663 Total. 13,162,706 10,602,236 12,389,560 13,061,550 49,216,052 QUARTERS ENDED Year ended Jan. 5, 1824. April 5, 1824. July 5, 1824. Oct. 10, 1824. Oct. 10, 1824. One shilling and sixpence and four shillings in the pound on Pensions 13,646 14,450 21,014 11,271 60,381 3,700 6,328 18,900 56,362 Crown lands. 480 486 966 Small branches of the King's Hereditary Revenue Surplus Fees, Regulated Public Offices. To pay off Exchequer Bills charged on the Annual Duties Applied as part of the Ways and Means of the Year 290,085 192,437 970,138 1,843,395 .... 3,000 9,000 1,857 3,963 3,296,055 17,820 Total. £13,425,055 11,936,507 11,989,480 13,049,050 50,400,092 |