fore, saw with unmixed satisfaction, the adoption of a more liberal commercial policy, producing its natural consequence-the improvement of our trade, and of course the increase in our financial resources. In this view of our situation, he agreed with the noble mover in the twofold cause of congratulation: the first, that the increase in our resources proceeded from a remission of taxation; and the second, that it arose from a material improvement in our trade. On both these points he had frequently had occasion to deliver his opinion before their lordships, and he now rejoiced that the frequent discussion of such topics had produced that renovation in circumstances which must always be proportionate to the increased freedom of trade. Long had the shackles under which a great portion of our trade laboured been opposed in that house; and now that many of them had been removed, and that the others were likely to follow, it was but justice to those who contended for their inutility to state, that many of those who had been foremost in supporting their continuance, were not less conspicuous for their zeal in endeavouring to procure a removal of the whole. Some of those ill-founded regulations had long existed in many branches of trade between this country and Ireland, and being upheld by the prejudices of those who did not sufficiently understand their own interest, were countenanced by his majesty's ministers. They had long been adopted by the noble lord opposite (lord Bexley), while chancellor of the exchequer; but when last year they had been partially removed by his successor in office, petitions came from many of those whose previous prejudices had contributed to maintain them, praying

for their removal altogether. So sensible were the parties made of the disadvantages attending the former system-so much did they become alive to the benefits resulting from the operation of the new regu lations, that they were now ready with petitions to the legislature, praying for the total abolition of those which remained. Upon this important subject, he agreed with the noble mover of the address, that there was ample ground for congratulation; and he trusted that at an early period of the session, they might become again the subject of their lordships' deliberations. As to the other point which had been touched upon-the remission of oppressive taxation-there could be but one opinion. As far as the experiment has hitherto been tried, the result was in all cases the same-an increased consumption. Every attempt of the kind went farther to remove the error into which some statesmen had fallen-the taxation afforded a support to government by the increase of consumption caused by it in different branches of our commerce. In the allusions which had been made to these gratifying topics, he fully concurred, because he thought the matters connected with them not uninstructive in themselves, and because a strict attention to the principles from which they arose would be productive of the most important benefits to the country. He agreed that there was a material improvement in the condition of the agriculturists; and (excluding that portion of it which arose from a partial failure of the crops in some districts) he thought it a fair subject of congratulation, as it showed an increased consumption and demand.

He had thus briefly adverted to the better and more gratifying topics

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of the speech, which related to the state of commerce at home; and he felt he could not pass over those which related to our situation as connected with foreign powers, and particularly with the powers on the continent of Europe. He was rather surprised and disappointed at the silence of the speech on many interesting topics connected with our foreign relations, and at the slight allusion to others not less important. He thought it did not become the king's ministers, when they deprecated the origin of the late war in Spain, to conceal their regret, if regret they felt, at the manner in which the war had terminated. He regretted, and he was sure the majority of the country concurred in the regret, that his majesty's ministers should appear so inattentive to the rights of free nations to govern themselves, by such laws as they thought proper, as they had shown themselves on this occasion. He regretted to see them treat so lightly a practice (for it now unfortunately had become a practice in Europe) so subversive of the peace of nations, as that of one state interfering, by an armed force, to alter the constition of another. When he saw, last summer, a nation sending forth a numerous army, to destroy by force a constitution established in another, with which it was till then at peace; when he found that such interference had ended in establishing a complete despotism over the whole country; when he found ministers deprecating the origin of the war, he confessed he did not expect that they could have passed over the result in such courtly silence as they had observed on the present occasion. He did expect that they would at the least have stated, whether the military occupation of Spain by France gave

satisfaction or not. It would not, he thought, have been unbecoming in the advisers of the crown, to have put words into the mouth of their sovereign expressive of regret at the violent subversion of the hitherto sacred principle, the right of nations to govern themselves by a constitution of their own choice; of regret that the country of an ally should have been plunged into such horror as now reigned throughout Spain. The noble lord who moved the address had expressed himself unfavourable to ultraism of any kind; but he would ask whether Spain, at the present moment, was not the seat of the greatest ultraism? Was she not in the hands of a great military nation, whose power it was not our interest to see thus increased? Were these matters of such trivial import, as not to be deemed worthy of notice in the speech from the throne? He would repeat to their lordships, that in the present state of Europe, when the opposition to the great principle before mentioned was brought to its climax, it did not become his majesty's ministers to be silent. Let them not think, that when the law of Europe, and of nations, had once been departed from; when that fundamental principle upon which national freedom rested, had been violated with impunity, matters would rest there; for it was the character of such aggressions to produce repeated violations, if one were allowed to be successful. Let ministers not think that the balance of power, as they called it, being once broken, the state of things would be such, as not to call for their most vigilant attention. Let their lordships look back for a short period, and see what the state of Europe, and what changes had taken place within a few years, what had happened since

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the termination of that war, which had ended by the overthrow of the power of Bonaparte? Immediately after that event, there came forth a declaration from several of the great powers, that the peace and independence of nations, were in future to be placed on a more solid footing, by which the natural rights of each would be respected and preserved. But how had that declaration been observed? Why, since then, he would ask, had not almost the whole of Europe come under the dominion of three or four great powers?-powers acting under the pretence of moderation and justice, but, in reality, exercising a complete tyranny over states which they still affected to call free and independent? (Hear, hear.). It was absurd to use the terms, when it was known that those states had not the power to refuse the absolute dictation of those despots, or the means to protect themselves from the consequences of such a refusal. Where was the small state on the continent of Europe which had not, since the period he had mentioned, come under the dominion of some one or other of those great despotic powers, by whom they might be called upon to alter, change, or modify their forms of government according to their capricious dictation? The system had now been carried to such a height, that the most unqualified interference was enforced without even an explanation being given beyond this that such was the will and pleasure of the despot interfering. It was seen that neither the monarchical character of the government of Wurtemburg, nor the monarchical character of that of Bavaria, nor the independent form of the ancient republic of Switzerland, could preserve them from an interference in their internal government, which, if offered to this coun

try, would be resented as a wanton insult, (hear, hear); and why an insult to us, more than to other countries? What difference was there between the application of this principle of interference to one or the other? The only difference was this-that we possessed the power of resistance to such. Were we, then, to admit the despotic principle sought to be established by such interference? Were we to be told that there was to be no law between the states of Europe but that of force-that one nation might be destroyed, or its independence outraged, at the will of another; and that there was to be no rule by which the weaker state was to be supported against the aggressions of the powerful? Let it not be imagined that such despotic principles should not affect us unless they were applied to ourselves. We were deeply interested in preserving the peace of Europe; but it was utterly impossible that that peace, or the independence of nations, should be rested on solid grounds while such principles were allowed to be acted upon with impunity. When he saw, that upon the changes which had taken place in the political state of Europe, in consequence of the assertion of this monstrous principle, ministers were silent, he could not but express his regret at their apathy, and his fears for the consequences.

He also observed with regret, that the affairs of South America, teeming with importance to the commercial interests of this country, were touched upon so very slightly in the speech from the throne. The civil, political, and commercial improvements which were becoming daily manifest in that part of the world, were, he knew, an object of fear and jealousy to some of the despots of Europe; as if no improvement

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were to be allowed to creep forth, or not to be considered as such, unless at the will of one of the corporation of kings, who arrogated to themselves the power of dictating what they thought proper for the rest of mankind. It was, however, a satisfaction to find, that there was a part of the globe where very different feelings and principles prevailed, and were likely to prevail still more extensively, where the principles of free government and free trade were beginning to be understood and practised. He was glad to find that his majesty's ministers had made a recommendation which would tend to improve those principles. He was not prepared to say whether at the present moment, they ought to have gone farther, but he hoped they would be disposed, at the proper time to go farther than they now avowed, When it was known that interest existed in Europe to check the rising power in South America, he thought that we ought to have taken the step which we had now taken at an earlier period; but still he trusted that we should be found ready to take every opportunity of increasing the advantages which that step was calculated to give us. If we had been tardy on this occasion, it was a proud satisfaction to thiuk that America had, on this occasion, taken that decisive step well becoming its power, its greatness, and its freedom. (Hear, hear.) As that important decision. was of the utmost consequence to every portion of the world where freedom was valued, he could not grudge to the United States the glory of having thus early thrown her shield over those attempts at freedom, which were important, not merely to America herself but to the whole world. This great question should be viewed by us, not merely with reference to

its advantages to North America, but to the British empire; and particularly as there might exist a disposition to exclude as much as possible our manufacturers from the European markets. Let their lordships look to what had happened in the United States. There a population of three millions had, in the course of forty years, been increased to ten millions. In the United Provinces of Spanish America, there was at present a population of sixteen millions, exclusive of about four millions in the Brazils; and assuming the same ratio of improvement in the course of 40 years to come, we might have an intercourse with a population of from 50,000,000 to 60,000,000, and that, too, a population of a consuming character; for from recent calculations it was estimated that each person consumed to the value of 21. 10s. of British manufactures annually. He trusted, therefore, that government, viewing the magnitude of the relations which might by timely cultivation be brought to exist between this country and the Spanish provinces, would neglect no opportunity of improving the advantages which were now thrown open to them. When it was now ascertained that the South American provinces were in that state which precluded all hope of the mother country ever regaining any power or influence over them, he trusted that ministers would neglect no occasion of improving every circumstance calculated to give so great an extension to our commerce; and thus, by serving the interest of their own country, they would let in that of those upon whose freedom and prosperity so much depended. He had trespassed thus at length upon their lordships, because he deeply felt its great importance.-There were topics of the speech from the

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throne, which could not be fully gone into on the first day of the session, but which he could not pass over altogether. One, which was alluded to by the noble mover, was the question of our West India colonies; and a most important one it was. Upon this topic he fully concurred in what had been said, that a great deal should be done, but that as little should be said on it as possible. This was a question where it was better to act than to speak. He hoped that every thing which could be done to relieve the negro population would be effected. Upon the other topic-that of the state of Ireland,-other and more fit occasions would arise for entering upon its discussion. He would freely admit that much had been done to remove some of the evils which oppressed that country, but he would wish that government would hold out a hope that some farther and more effectual methods would be tried to remove the evils of that country, the roots of which, he thought, lay deeper than was believed by many. There were two instances in which attempts at improvement had been made one was in the forming a new police, and the other in the collection of tithes. Upon the former, great difficulties had always occurred; but he thought they had not been fully met by the late regulations. A good deal yet remained to be done, and he had hopes that the evils arising from the want of an effective police would be fully met at last. As to the tithe system, he agreed that the late measure on that subject had made a great opening towards an adjustment of the many differences to which the system had given rise.

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measure which had been adopted as a partial remedy had been successful in many instances; but still there were some important points on which

it needed revision. That revision would be made, and he was satisfied that in the able hands in which it would be placed, every attention would be paid which its great importance demanded. He had now touched upon the leading topics of the speech. It was not his intention to offer any amendment to the address which had been moved, though he confessed there were some parts of the speech in which he could have wished that a more liberal, frank, and explicit language had been adopted; but with this declaration of his sentiments he should content himself, without moving an amendment.

The earl of Liverpool began by observing, that after the able speeches delivered by the noble lords who had moved and seconded the address, he might have saved their lordships the trouble of a single observation. They had touched on the different points of the royal speech in a manner to satisfy the house as to the propriety of adopting the address proposed in answer to it. But as the noble marquis, who had just sat down, had thought it right to advert to several topics connected with the internal condition and external relations of the country in a manner different from that of his noble friends, he (lord Liverpool) would be sorry that the house should rise without affording him an opportunity of saying something in reply, lest his silence should be misconstrued, and his sentiments misunderstood. In making the few observations with which he meant to trouble their lordships, he would follow the order of the speech, or the course pursued by the noble marquis (Lansdown.) With respect to the internal state of the country, it gave him great pleasure to say, that all the noble speakers who had preceded him, both sides

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