from parliament. At the end of three months he wrote, making certain propositions as to church government and liberty of conscience, and offering the command of the army to the Parliament for ten years, after which it was to revert to him or his heirs. The Commons would not entertain the proposition.

In Parliament, the Presbyterians and the Independents were, as was usual with them, at loggerheads. The Presbyterians had no liking for Cromwell, Ireton, Blake, Sidney, and others of the same stamp. They were for reducing the army, sending a large part of it to Ireland, and changing the whole condition of things military. The army-deep in arrears of pay—was in no humour to be lightly dealt with, nor to yield its favourites. The Parliament became unpopular. The soldiers took the lead in everything, and would have none to rule over them but tried veterans-Fairfax and Cromwell. The common soldiers, no less than the officers, cried out against the Parliament, and found a warm friend in Oliver.

Whitelock tells us that "On the 30th of April, 1647, whilst the debate on the petition and vindication of the army was going on, Major-general Skippon produced a letter presented to him the day before by some troopers on behalf of eight regiments of the army of horse, wherein they expressed some reasons why they could not engage in the service of Ireland under the present conduct, under the proposed commandership of Skippon and Massey (the latter of whom they did not trust), and complained of the many scandals and false suggestions which were of late raised against the army and their proceedings. That they were taken as enemies; that they saw designs upon them, and upon many of the godly party in the kingdom. That they could not engage for Ireland, till they were satisfied in their expectations, and their just desires granted. Three troopers, Edward Sexby, William Allen, Thomas Shepherd, who brought this letter, were examined in the house touching the drawing and subscribing of it, and whether their officers were engaged in it or not. They affirmed that it was drawn up at a rendezvous of those eight regiments, and afterwards at several meetings by agents or agitators for each regiment, and that few of their officers knew or took notice of it.

"Those troopers being demanded whether they had not been cavaliers, it was attested by Skippon that they had constantly served the Parliament, and some of them from the beginning of the war. Being asked concerning the meaning of some expressions in the petition, especially

concerning 'certain men aiming at sovereignty,' they answered that the letter being a joint act of those regiments, they could not give a punctual answer, being only agents; but if they might have the queries in writing, they would carry them to those regiments, and return their answers. They were ordered to attend the house upon summons."

Every means-but ready money, which was not at hand-were taken to quiet the soldiery, but the Parliament considered it advisable to bring the king nearer to London, lest the troops should seize on his person. This was precisely what they intended to do and what they did. A little after twelve o'clock at night on the 3rd of June, Cornet Joyce, with a party of horse, road up to Holmby. "After surrounding the house," says one of our historians, "with his troop, said to be one thousand strong, he knocked and demanded admittance, telling Major-general Brown and Colonel Graves, that he was come to speak to the king. "From whom?" demanded those officers, awoke from their sleep. "From myself," said Joyce; whereat they laughed. But Joyce told them it was no laughing matter. They then advised him to draw off his troops, and in the morning he should see the commissioners. Joyce replied that he had not come there to be advised by them, or to talk to the commissioners, but to speak to the king; and speak to him he would, and soon. At this threat Brown and Graves bade their soldiers stand to their arms, and defend the place; but the soldiers, instead of that, threw open the doors, and bade their old comrades welcome. Joyce then went direct to the chamber of the commissioners, and informed them that there was a design to seize the king, and place him at the head of an army to put down that under General Fairfax; and that to prevent another war, he was come to secure the person of the king, and see that he was not led into further mischief; for, added the cornet, "there be some who endeavour to pull down king and people, and set up themselves."

"The commissioners desired him not to disturb the king's sleep, but to wait till morning, and they would tell his majesty of his arrival and business. In the morning, Joyce found that Brown had contrived to send off Graves to fetch up the king's guard; and some of his damning blades did say and swear they would fetch a party.' But Joyce-a stout fellow for a tailor, which he had been-did not trouble himself about that, for he knew the guard would not move, as they did not-at length insisted on being admitted to the king himself. According to Joyce's own account, it was ten o'clock in the evening again when he was

ushered, with two or three of his followers, into the royal presence. The soldiers took off their hats, and displayed no rudeness, but a blunt proceeding to business. According to Clarendon, the cornet told the king that he was sorry to have disturbed his sleep, but that he must go with him. Charles asked whither? He said to the army. But where was the army? replied the king. The cornet said they would show him. His majesty asked by what authority they came. Joyce said "by this!" and showed him his pistol, and desired his majesty to cause himself to be dressed, because it was necessary they should make haste. The king sent for the commissioners, who asked Joyce whether he had any order from Parliament ?-He said no. From the general?-No. What, then, was his authority ?-to whom he gave the same reply as to the king, by holding up his pistol. They said they would write to the Parliament to learn its pleasure, to which Joyce replied, they could do so, but the king meantime must go with him.

"Finding that the soldiers sent for would not come, and that the officers of the guard said that Joyce's troop were not soldiers of one regiment, but drawn from several regiments, and that Joyce was not their proper officer, it was clear that there was a general design in the affair, and the king said he would go with them at six in the morning. At the hour appointed the king appeared on horseback, and found the troop all mounted and ready. The king had overnight demanded of Joyce whether he should be forced to do anything against his conscience, and whether he should have his servants with him; and Joyce replied that there was no intention to lay any constraint on his majesty, only to prevent his being made use of to break up the army before justice had been done to it. Before starting, Charles again demanded from Joyce, in the presence of the troop, where was his commission, enjoining him to deal ingenuously with him, and repeated, "Where, I ask you again, is your commission ?" "Here," said Joyce, "behind me," pointing to the soldiers. Charles smiled, and said, "It is a fair commission, and as well written as I have ever seen a commission written in my life; a company of handsome proper gentlemen, as I have seen a great while. But what if I should refuse to go with you? I hope you would not force me. I am your king; you ought not to lay violent hands on your king. I acknowledge none to be above me here but God." He then demanded again whither they proposed to conduct him. Oxford and Cambridge were named, to both of which places Charles objected. Newmarket was next named, and

to that he consented. So the first day they rode to Hinchinbrook, and the next to Childersley, near Newmarket."

The Parliament was thrown into the greatest disorder on receiving the news of these proceedings. The city was thrown into a position of defence, and orders were immediately despatched that the king should be returned to Holmby and that the army should not approach London. The answer returned was that his majesty preferred the air of Newmarket. And in fact the king was so much more respectfully treated, and so much more at his ease, moving from place to place with the army, that he shrunk from returning to the solitude of Holmby. The Parliament was of opinion that Oliver Cromwell was the chief instigator of the plot, as perhaps he was, and they ordered his immediate arrest, but he had left town and joined the army, whither it would not have been politic to follow him.

As to disbanding the army, which was what the Parliament earnestly desired, it was a thing impossible. The army steadily refused to be disbanded, and a large part of the people held with the army. The king also lent his sanction to the army, and dreamed of brighter days, for "they used him very civilly," and granted to him an indulgence which the Presbyterians at Holmby had denied him, namely, chaplains of his own selection, and religious worship according to the rites of the Church of England.

Aroused by the persistent efforts of the Parliament to disband or to subordinate the army, the officers and soldiers formally impeached eleven of its members. The members in their turn impeached the leading officers in the army, and the hopes of the royalists rose as they saw this division among the Commons. Parliament complained that the king was held prisoner by the army; the army appealed to his majesty whether he did not feel himself more at liberty with the troops than with the members of the House,-the king frankly owned that he did, and complimented them on their courtesy. And so the army drew nearer and nearer to London, and there was fresh commotion in both Houses of Parliament. For a time the king was lodged in his own royal castle at Windsor, and he was frequently permitted to spend days with his children. These interviews are said to have been so affecting as to have drawn tears from the eyes of Cromwell.

Meanwhile, the Parliament-by which must be understood the Presbyterian element in it—were increasing the feud between themselves and the

army by commanding the latter to remain at a considerable distance from London. The Londoners-that is demagogue tradesmen, turbulent tapsters, 'prentices bent on mischief, and a great company of people bent on anything but peace and quietness-surrounded the Houses of Parliament, shouting for vengeance on the army, and intimidating all moderate members. The army was at Hounslow Heath, the king having been sent to Hampton Court, and to Hounslow most of the moderate members fled, claiming protection from the mob, and throwing themselves on Fairfax and the army.

The troops marched into London, and never was a city in a greater

state of uproar; the shops were all shut up, nothing was going on but enlisting and mustering; news continually arriving of the advance of The city militia and the common council sat late, and a "When a scout came in," army made a halt, or other

the army. great number of people attended in Guildhall. says Whitelock, "and brought news that the good intelligence, they cried out one and all!' But if the scout brought word that the army was advancing, they would cry out as loud, 'treat! treat! treat!' and thus they spent the night.

"The Southwarkers sent a deputation to Guildhall, plainly assuring my Lord Mayor and Aldermen that Parliament had nothing to look for from them, that if the army marched into Southwark it would be well received,