Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

derived from it. Although so much pains and expence are thrown away to prop a decayed frame in a state of old age, still it is by no means worth it; and when once the constitution is gone, and pain attends the loss of health, the sooner that frame is restored to its native mould the better. I cannot go so far as to applaud the conduct of the American Indians, where the first-born is in the habit of strangling the parents by common consent, when they arrive at a certain age, or when the parent feels disposed; yet I cannot fail to admire that strength of mind in old age, which can submit to it, and feel that it is but an incumbrance on the earth, and thus feeling itself useless and unable to provide for its own wants, can anticipate the slow but certain progress of nature. In civilized communities the case is different, and where almost every one is engaged in commercial pursuits, old age is capable of rendering its assistance, and its experience becomes oftentimes valuable. Besides, it may be considered like unto the ant, that whatever it has laid up in the summer of its days, it is entitled to enjoy in the winter. However, it is becoming in old age to find it resigned to the extinction of its being, and not murmuring at its fate. That must be the most pleasing state of mind, when conscious of the near approach of annihilation, it becomes anxious to dispense all the benefits possible to those who survive, and fears the approach of death on no other ground, than that it must cease to be useful.

(To be continued.)

Printed by JANE CARLILE, 55, Fleet Street.

The Republican.

No. 17, Vol. 3.] LONDON, FRIDAY, AUGUST 18, 1820. [PRICE 6D.

OBSERVATIONS ON THE RUSSIAN AUTOCRAT'S OPINIONS AND INTENTIONS RELATIVE TO THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION OF SPAIN.

The Emperor of Russia has been studiously held up to the world as a humane man, and one who was anxious to ameliorate the condition of mankind. But he has now taken care to undeceive the European public, and has avowed himself a despot and an enemy to all moral and mental improvement amongst the human race. We do not altogether feel surprised at this, because the conviction is indelibly impressed on our minds, that a monarchy cannot exist on the base of a representative system of government, and a people cannot be regularly prosperous unless that be the base of their government. Those are two axioms which regulate all our ideas on government, and we would make every other circumstance submit to its accomplishment. We further believe that monarchs themselves are beginning to see this, and to become desperate from the extensive spreading of such opinions. It is evident that nothing short of representative government will satisfy the inhabitants of Europe, and this spirit must finally prevail, although the despots and their supporters may cause much blood to be spilt in making war against this disposition of the multitude.

The Emperor of Russia has published two documents on the subject of the Spanish Revolution, from which it appears that the other sovereigns of Europe were unwilling to be the first to publish their opinions: but we may expect them forthwith, either individually or in a Congress, since the Russian Autocrat has expressed his reprobation of the conduct of the Spanish army, and his inclination to march into the South of Europe to overawe the spread of the example. We took VOL III. No. 17.

Printed and Published by J. CARLILE, 55, Fleet Street,

but a slight notice of the first document, under the idea that from the distance of Petersburgh from Madrid, the Emperor had but an imperfect notion of what had really occurred in Spain, and the result of it. But now he has laid himself open, and his opinions are not private communications to any one despot, or a number of despots, but he has addressed the people of Europe in a language not to be misunderstood, and it now becomes their duty to echo back their sentiments and determination on the occasion.

The first document that appeared on the subject was not quite decisive, but a mere expression of an abstract monarchical idea; and as the second document in every respect combines the first, we shall print it at length, and let it speak for itself; for although it is in some places ambiguous, and written rather in the style of an insinuating pamphlet than a state document, it is sufficiently explicit to display the real disposition of the heart that dictated it; and that disposition is to crush by military force the spread of liberal opinion, and again to deluge the soil of Europe with human blood! The following is the document alluded to:

COPY OF A MEMORIAL.

ADDRESSED TO ALL THE MINISTERS OF RUSSIA, ON THE SUBJECT OF THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN.

The Chevalier de Zea Bermudez has presented to the Imperial Cabinet the annexed Note, relative to the events which have just taken place in the Peninsula, and of which we were already informed by the dispatches that were forwarded to us by our agents at foreign Courts.

M. de Zea, in this document, confines himself to informing us, that the Constitution promulgated by the Cortes, in the year 1812, has been accepted by the King, and expresses a desire to know how the Emperor has viewed this change of the Government. If the distance which separates us from Spain, and from the States which are best enabled to weigh maturely the nature of the disasters with which she is menaced, be considered, it will be readily acknowledged, that the position of the Imperial Ministry, with regard to the Representatives of the Spanish nation, was difficult and delicate.

The Revolution of the Peninsula fixes the attention of the two hemispheres; the interests which it is about to decide, are the interests of the universe; and if ever the Emperor wished that the opinion of his Allies might conduce to regulate his own, it certainly was at the moment when the Note of the Cheavalier de Zea imposed upon his Imperial Majesty the obligation of pronouncing upon an event which involves, perhaps, the future destinies of all civilized nations. This obligation, however, existed; for, in these days, every subject of doubt be comes an instrument of malevolence.

The necessity of replying to M. de Zea, was therefore, evident; but, in this important conjuncture, it appeared natural, that previously to propouncing an opinion, the Emperor should consider the object which

the Allied Powers proposed to themselves in their relations with Spain: that he should consult the views which they had expressed to that same Power, and that he should take as a guide for his own, the princi ples of European policy. This is what his Imperial Majesty was bound to do; this is what he has done.

Since the year 1812, more than one Diplomatic Document attests the generous solicitude which the several Courts of Europe have constantly manifested in behalf of Spain. They applanded the noble perseverance with which her intrepid people resisted a foreign yoke. They rendered homage to their wisdom when they rallied round a constitutional throne, the dearest interests to their country; the interests of her independence. Finally, from the period when Providence restored Ferdinand VII. to his people, they never failed to acknowledge that solid institutions that can alone secure on its basis, the ancient Spanish Monarchy.

The allied Sovereigns did more. In the course of long conferences, relative to the differences with Rio de la Plata, and to the pacification of the Colonies, they let it be sufficiently understood that these institutions would cease to be a means of peace and happiness, if, instead of being granted by kindness, as a voluntary concession, they should be adopted by weakness, as a last resource of salvation.

Let us investigate, on the other hand, the great transaction which established the European Alliance.

What is the object of the engagements that were renewed on the (3.!) 15th of November, 1818 ?

The Allied Monarchs had just then obliterated the last traces of the revolution in France; but that revolution seemed ready to produce new calamities.

The obligation of the monarchs was, therefore, and their design was, to prevent the same storm bursting from the same horizon a third time to desolate Europe.

[ocr errors]

Nevertheless, as if the alarms which were then excited by the state of France, and which it still excites, were not sufficient-as if governments and nations entertained but slight doubts with respect to its future condition, it was necessary that the genius of evil should select a new theatre, and that Spain, in her turn, should be offered up as a fearful sacrifice. Revolution has therefore changed its ground, but the duties of momarchs cannot have changed their nature, and the power of the insur rection is neither less formidable, nor less dangerous, than it would have been in France.

In unison, therefore, with his allies, his Majesty cannot but desire to see granted to the Peninsula, as to its trans-marine provinces, a government which he considers as the only one that can yet justify some hope in this age of calamities. But in virtue of his engagements of the (3d) 15th of November, 1818, his Majesty is bound to mark, with the most forcible reprobation, the revolutionary measures set in action to give new institutions to Spain. Such is the two-fold idea which is found developed in the next answer, which the Cabinet of Russia has made to the Chevalier de Zea, by order of his Imperial Majesty.* The Empe ror does not doubt, that his august Allies will prove its contents, and perhaps they have already addressed similar sentiments to the Court of Madrid. The same wishes may, in fact, have inspired the same lan

This refers to the "Note of the Imperial Russian Ministry to the resident Spanish Minister," which appeared on the 31st ult.

}

guage; and convinced, like his Majesty, that crime must always yield pernicious fruit, they have, doubtless, deplored, as he has, the outrage which has recently tarnished the annals of Spain. We repeat it-this outrage is deplorable. It is deplorable for the Peninsula; it is deplorable for Europe; and the Spanish nation now owes the example of an expiatory deed to the people of the two hemispheres. Till this be done, the unhappy object of their disquietude can only make them fear the contagion of their calamities. Nevertheless, amidst all these elements of disaster, and when so many motives combine to afflict the real friends of the welfare of the nations, may a better future still be looked for? Is there any wise and redeeming measure, whose effect may be to reconcile Spain with herself, as well as with the other powers of Europe?

We dare not affirm it; for experience has taught us to consider almost always as an allusion, the hope of a happy event.-But, if we might trust the calculations which personal interest would seem bound to indicate; if it were permitted to presume that the Cortes would consult the interest of their own preservation, it might be believed that they would hasten to extirpate, by a solemn measure, all that is culpable in the cir cumstances which accompanied the change of the administration in Spain. The interests of the Cortes are here identified with the interests of Europe. The misled soldiery who protected, may to-morrow assail them; and their first duty towards their monarch, towards their country, and themselves, seems to be to prove that they will never consent to legalize insurrection. These are hopes which would not appear to be without some foundation. The emperor, however, is far from cherishing them; and if he admitted the possibility of a result so useful, he would make it depend upon the unanimity which might manifest itself in the opinion of the principal powers of Europe, as to the act by which the representatives of the Spanish people ought to signalise the opening of their deliberations. This unanimity, always 20 powerful when it takes the character of an irrevocable deed, will perhaps carry conviction to the minds of the most eminent members of his Catholic Majesty and the Allied Courts would seem to have an easy means of impressing upon their language such an imposing uniformity. Their ministers in France have hitherto treated, in their name, with a Plenipotentiary of the Court of Madrid. Can they not now present to him, in common, observations, the summary of which follows, and which would recal to the Spanish Government the conduct, as well as the political principles of the Allied Monarchs?

"The monarchs," would say the five ministers, "have never ceased to entertain wishes for the prosperity of Spain. They will always entertain them. They have desired, that, in Europe, as in America, institutions conformable to the progress of civilization, and to the wants of the age, might procure to all Spaniards long years of peace and happiness. They desire the same at this moment. They have wished that all these institutions should become a real blessing, by the legal manner in which they should be introduced. They now wish the same.

"This last consideration will convey to the ministers of his Catholic Majesty with what sentiments of affliction and grief they have learned the events of the 8th of March, and those which preceded it. According to their opinion, the salvation of Spain, as well as the welfare of Europe, will require that this crime should be disavowed, this stain effaced, this bad example extirminated. The honour of such a repa. ration appears to depend upon the Cortes. Let them deplore, and for

« AnteriorContinuar »