tibly reprobate, the means employed to establish a new mode of Government in their country, and in consolidating an administration wisely constitutional, let them adopt the most rigorous laws against sedition and revolt. 64 Then, and only then, the Allied Cabinets will be able to maintain friendly and amicable relations with Spain." The observations, arged in common by the representatives of the five Courts, would, from thenceforth, demonstrate to the Spanish ministry the conduct which the allied governments would observe, in case the consequences of the 8th of March should perpetuate in Spain, trouble and anarchy. If these salutary councils be listened to: if the Cortes offer to their King, in the name of the nation, a pledge of obedience; if they succeed in establishing, upon durable bases, the tranquillity of Spain, and the peace of Southern America, the Revolution will have been defeated, at the very moment when it thought to obtain a triumph. If, on the contrary, alarms, perhaps too reasonable, be realised, at least the five courts will have discharged a sacred duty; at least a new occurrence will have developed the principles, indicated the object, and displayed the scope, of the European alliance. The Emperor awaits the answer of the Courts of Vienna, London, Berlin, and Paris, to the communications which his ministers have addressed to him on this subject. He informs them, that the present Memorial is the instruction which he has caused to be dispatched to all his Ministers on the subject of the affairs of Spain. After recapitulating what the Allied Sovereigns had done in the behalf of Spain in assisting to expel the French from that country, the Emperor seems to tax the Spanish nation with ingratitude, but be it remembered, and it was then the opinion of all the world, that if Spain had not displayed the resolution to repel the aggressions and ambition of Buonaparte, and set the example of its success, the Russian Autocrat would have knelt before him in 1812, and suffered Russia to become a province of France, as his neighbour of Prussia had repeatedly done before. It does not therefore become the Emperor of Russia to assume so high a tone, and we have felt surprise in noticing the deference and weight which seems to be universally attributed to him. He displayed nothing but cowardice and imbecility before Buonaparte, and had not the climate of his territory been more determined than himself, he never would have made any figure in Europe. The Emperor calls Revolution the genius of evil; strange infatuation this! It is the reverse, and ever combats and opposes the genius of evil. It is to arrest the progress of the genius of evil, that revolutions become necessary: and if the genius of evil did not triumph, revolution never could, never would take place in any government. Again he says, although revolution has changed its ground, the duties of monarchs cannot have changed their nature; we know it despot, and that the duties and dispositions of monarchs never change. It is the only thing in nature that is stable. But it is an excrescence, a disease, and must be cured. His Imperial Majesty has now convinced us of what we knew before, we have now his explanation of the purposes of the holy alliance, namely, that his Majesty is bound by virtue of his engagements in November, 1818, to mark with the most forcible reprobation, the revolutionary measures set in action to give new institutions to Spain. Yes! Yes! this is just what was apprehended from the holy alliance, although, its articles were secret. A great part of this document is a tissue of nonsense and contemptible falsehood, such as, that the revolution has tarnished the annals of Spain-that it is deplorable for Spain as well as Europe. We need not say a word upon this subject--look at Spain and judge from the past and present. The Emperor's greatest fear seems to be, that this disposition will spread among the military of other countries: we promise him that it will, although, it is not likely to reach Russia for some time, yet the more the Russian soldier is accustomed to the climate of the South of Europe, the sooner will he imbibe the general spirit of freedom. We feel astonished at the sudden and general change running through the British army, 'tis not only foot guards, but cavalry regiments and militia that are beginning to avow their disaffection to the present system of misrule and misery. Military discipline now avails nothing, and we find that a party of the 10th light dragoons, now lying at Ipswich, were sent to the guard-house for drinking the Queen's health, and immediately rescued by a party of their comrades. This looks well. Soldiers are beginning to ruminate on their condition, and that of their friends, and will no longer be made instruments of wanton destruction. It is singular, that the despot of Russia should be calling on the Spanish Cortes to punish the troops under the command of Quiroga, for putting them into authority, just at the moment that they are deliberating on the best means of giving them a reward due to their virtues and services! I would ask no further proof of the imbecility of the Emperor of Russia than this very sentence. Such a man would better become the tailor's shopboard, than to sway the interest of so many millions of men. To us it appears, that every effort is making to wage a new war with such states as may avow the determination to change their condition, and a few months will again make Europe a common slaughter-house. It is now become the duty of the Spanish Cortes to assume a decided attitude, and should any attempt be made on the side of Portugal, by the English, to create a retraction in Spain, or should the despot of Austria attempt to meddle with the affairs of Naples, they are in duty bound, in self defence to revolution, viz. Portugal on one side and hoist the tri-coloured flag on the Pyrennees on the other side. The prosperity of Europe is now as much dependent on the Spanish Cortes for the moment, as ever was the fate of Europe on British gold, during the French revolution. Spain has it in her power to kindle the fire of revolution again in France, and if any attempts are made to crush her present government by the despots of Europe, she will be in duty bound to effect it for self-preservation. Never were times more momentous than at present, never had mankind more to expect. EDITOR. A specimen of the regulations in Dorchester Bastile or Christian Inquisition Prison.-Mr. Carlile having received a basket of fruit out of Hampshire, last week, was anxious to send a plate full to Wedderburn, who is closely locked up in another part of the prison, and in a place which has always hitherto been assigned for new prisoners, until they were examined and proved to be clean by the surgeon. Mr. C. gave a plate full to the turnkey, for the purpose of delivering it to Wedderburn, but cautioned him to shew it first to the keeper, to save himself from blame. In a few minutes it was returned to Mr. C. with the keeper's instructions, that nothing could be allowed to pass. Mr. C. has thought it proper to publish this circumstance, lest by and by it should be said, that such a person was confined in the same prison with him, of whom he took no notice. Mr. C. has repeatedly endeavoured to ascertain how Wedderburn is circumstanced, but can get any information, the turnkeys displaying an evident fear to say a word on the subject. This place much more resembles the French Bastile than an English Prison. TO THE KING, Sire, After having reviewed in my mind, your conduct towards the Queen, I should consider myself as destitute of the feelings of a man, were I to remain silent. I can have no wish to add unfairly to the indignation which already exists in the breast of every man who has any feeling for a woman; as well as in the breast of every woman who has any feeling for her own sex-and if you were aware of the extent of such indignation, you would pause, lest you rouse the brave and generous English nation to exclaim, with a voice not to be resisted:-"Thus far shall you go, and no farther." You have little enough of popularity:-and perhaps it is the knowledge that you cannot have less, which adds to your obstinacy in the present case, Though I could find sufficient for comment, in your political career, yet, such comment not being the object of the present letter, I shall pass on, leaving "this most thinking nation," to judge of that career by its effects. The struggle that is carried on by you, through your ministers, against the Queen, is not like the struggle against the persons called Radicals:-as opposed to the latter, you have the prejudices of the higher, and, I may say, great part of the middling classes: but no prejudice exists against the Queen, except within the purlieus of your Court. The question of right and wrong is so easily auswered, that it comes home to the feelings of every man and woman in the kingdom. You are aware it is an axiom in England, that the "King can do no wrong," in a political point of view it may be correct; but it cannot be correct so far as relates to the proceedings against the Queen; because you are a party personally concerned; and consequently, whatever proceedings may be adopted against her, will be looked upon as having originated with you. Before I make any observations upon your conduct towards the Queen, I shall first remark, that nature has implanted in both male and female, certain propensities towards each other, the end and design of which, is the propagation of the human race. A question, therefore, naturally arises, as to which is the most natural and reasonable way, in which those propensities ought to be gratified ;-seeing that a regulation of some sort is rendered necessary, for the sake of society, of which every individual ought to be considered a member. Those propensities, I think, ought to be gratified, not by a promiscuous intercourse of the sexes, but by matrimony, or a union of one male and one female. That the latter is the most agreeable to nature, may be argued from the fact, that no male or female ever felt a real affection, for more than one of an opposite sex, at the same time ; and it has seldom so happened in the whole course of his or her life; therefore, matrimouy seems to have originated in accordance with our natural feelings:-but I rather conceive it to have been generally adopted, principally with the view of preventing that confusion which would otherwise have resulted to civil society. A promiscuous intercourse seems irreconcileable to our natural feelings; for it can be no other than a false desire which is felt, independent of any affection for the object of that desire. In fact, if matrimony were to be dispensed with, the world, instead of (comparatively speaking) being a paradise, would be a hell!-What, in that case, would become of those tender affections which mankind bear towards their offspring? They would be extinguished, or rather, never could exist, in man, at least. That such would be the effect, may be gathered from the answer which must be given to the following question:-" Has a man ever existed, who could feel that affection for his bastard child, which he would otherwise have felt, had the child been gotten in lawful wedlock? No; for it is notorious, that bastard children always have been, and I believe ever will be, neglected, by the father at least; and you will perceive that such neglect seldom, if ever, happens to what a lawyer would call lawful issue.'' From what I have just stated, it is clear, that were matrimony to be dispensed with, it would not only destroy all parental affection, but would also destroy all those tender joys which endear mankind to their homes; and which joys have been the chief solace for the misery which mankind have hitherto been doomed to suffer, by the craft of the abettors of misgovernment; and which misery, mankind, blinded by priestcraft, have attributed to what they call provi dence. Among the duties incumbent on man and wife, I think, fidelity to the marriage-bed may be considered a chief duty, (if to attain happiness be the object of matrimony) for infidelity never yet took place, without breaking asunder all those endearing ties, those internal sympathetic feelings, by the existence of which, the happiness of man and wife is greatly promoted. That infidelity breaks asunder those ties is certain; for can it be shewn that a man or woman ever did, or could feel that affection which was felt before infidelity had been committed. Setting aside, for a moment, the unhappy consequences that result from infidelity, it may be argued that nature disapproves of it, or why should it excite a feeling of indignant disgust against the party who may be guilty of it. Nature, however, will keep us within the bounds of fidelity, when the passion, called love, is felt in its full force; for the man or woman who really feels that love, would sooner undergo a thousand deaths than dishonour the object of it; and why? because real love is unlike that felt by the sensualist, (if it may be called love) for the former purifies our ideas, and spurns on every noble feeling of the soul to action. As, however, it does not always happen that those who marry, feel |