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servile abasement that once manly territory has fallen, under France !—Is it to the establishment of catholicity that your hopes are directed ? The conduct of the First Consul, in subverting the power and authority of the Pope, and cultivating the friendship of the Mussulman in Egypt, under a boast of that subversion, proves the fallacy of such a reliance !
Is it civil liberty you require? Look to France itself, crouched under despotism, and groaning beneath a system of slavery, unparalleled by whatever has disgraced or insulted any nation !
Is it possible, then, that any heart matured in the blessed air of Ireland, can look to French protection for happiness? Is it possible there can be one head so organized as not to see from the evidence of facts, for the last few years, that the liberty which the French offer, is but another term for subjection and slavery? I am not sounding the trumpet of war.
There is no man who more sincerely deprecates its calamities, than I do,– soldier as I am, and ready to serve my country. Yet, if necessity should force us to the conflict, I trust we shall prove to the audacious foe, that British veins still glow with the same blood which vivified the spirit of our ancestors; and that British bosoms still burn with the same patriotic ardour which actuated them in every former period of their annals.
EXERCISE XXX.-DIALOGUE FROM THE LADY OF THE LAKE.
Scott. Speakers --Roderick Dhu, Douglas, and Malcom Græme :*Positions,— Roderick, in the centre; Douglas, on his left; Malcom, on his right.
[The chief use of dialogue, as regards elocution, is, to inspire appropriate feeling, modulation, and action. The tones, in all dramatic pieces, are much more vivid, than in the language of other forms of writing. Attitude becomes, in reciting dialogue, an important study, as a means of natural and true effect; and manly, spirited, and expressive gesture becomes indispensable to the same result.] Rod. Short be my speech,-nor time affords,
Nor my plain temper, glozing words.
* Pronounced Grame.
And Græme, in whom I hope to know
Doug. Brave Roderick, though the tempest roar,
It may but thunder and pass o'er;
Rod. No, by mine honour,
So help me Heaven, and my good blade !
heat might say:
Shall bootless turn him home again.
My daughter cannot be thy bride :-
find, Without a cause to mine combined. [Douglas retires to the left. Græme moves to pass Roderick,
and follow Douglas. Roderick rushes forward, and thrusts
Back, minion! Hold'st thou thus at naught
* Pronounced Enoo.
This roof, the Douglas, and yon maid,
Thank thou for punishment delayed. Mal. Perish my name, if aught afford
Its chieftain safety, save his sword! [They draw.] Doug. [Returning and parting Roderick and Malcom.]
Of such dishonourable broil ?
[Sheaths his sword : Malcom does the same.]
Give our safe-conduct to the Græme.
The spot, an angel deigned to grace,
So secret, but we meet agen.-
[Touching his sword.]
EXERCISE XXXI.-SPEECH ON THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA.— Fox.
[The piece which follows, is introduced as an example of plain, practical, parliamentary declamation,-in which no aid of inspiration is derived from poetic passion, but only from the earnest feeling associated with historic fact, and actual life. A clear, firm, and manly utterance, and plain, unpretending, but forcible gesture, are here the main elements of effect.]
The honourable gentleman who opened the debate, charges me with abandoning that cause, which he says, in terms of flattery, I had once so successfully asserted. I tell him, in reply, that if he were to search the history of my life, he would find that the period of it, in which I struggled most for the real, substantial cause of liberty, is this very moment that I am addressing you.
Freedom, according to my conception of it, consists in the safe and sacred possession of a man's property, governed by laws defined and certain ; with many personal privileges, civil and religious, which he cannot surrender without ruin to himself; and of which to be deprived by any other power, is despotism. This bill, instead of subverting, is destined to stabilitate these principles : instead of narrowing the basis of freedom, it tends to enlarge it; instead of suppressing, its object is to infuse and circulate the spirit of liberty.
What is the most odious species of tyranny ? Precisely that which this bill is meant to annihilate. That a handful of men, free themselves, should execute the most base and abominable espotism over millions of their fellow-creatures; that innocence should be the victim of oppression ; that industry should toil for rapine; that the harmless labourer should sweat, not for his own benefit, but for the luxury and rapacity of tyrannic depredation :-in a word, that thirty millions of men, gifted by Providence with the ordinary endowments of humanity, should groan under a system of despotism, unmatched in all the histories of the world.
What is the end of all government? Certainly the happiness of the governed. Others may hold other opinions ; but this is mine, and I proclaim it. What are we to think of a government, whose good fortune is supposed to spring from the calamities of its subjects; whose aggrandizement grows out of the miseries of mankind! This is the kind of government exercised under the East India Company upon the natives of Hindostan; and the subversion of that infamous government, is the main object of the bill in question.
But, in the progress of accomplishing this end, it is ob