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drives in Mississippi. He helped to organize the Fair Housing Council of South Orange, Maplewood, Millburn, and Short Hills, N.J., which donated funds to the Bessie Smith Community Center in Newark, N.J. This center is a project of Area Board 3.

His other activities included sponsorship of the Spring Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam. Winans, a former leader of the Essex County chapter of the Americans for Democratic Action, was expelled in 1964 by the national body of ADA at its convention in Washington.

The most important aspect of NCUP's activity, Captain Kinney testified, was its infiltration and actual seizure of control of some portions of the antipoverty program in Newark, particularly Area Board 3 of the United Community Corporation, which is also known as the Peoples' Action Group.

That Hayden's success in Area Board 3 was to be used as the prototype for similar efforts elsewhere was made clear by the article in the radical magazine, Studies on the Left (vol. 6, No. 2, 1966), written by SDS members Norman Fruchter and Robert Kramer, entitled "An Approach to Community Organizing Projects.” The contents of the article, the witness said, indicated that Hayden's operation was the model which radicals should emulate in order to capture other antipoverty programs.

Another article written by Hayden himself entitled “Community Organizing and the War on Poverty," was published in the November 1965 issue of Liberation magazine. This was a valuable article, said Captain Kinney, because it revealed Hayden's and NCUP's position. In it Hayden attacked the official antipoverty program in Newark, the UCC. He wrote that the director's social theories soft-pedaled the idea of attacking power structures and favored instead the objective of bringing ghetto residents into the mainstream of competitive societya goal to which Hayden apparently objected.

After describing how NCUP took over the antipoverty program in Newark's UCC Area Board 3, Hayden wrote that the quest for power should focus on the antipoverty council as much as on the city council. Another section of the same issue of Liberation in which that article was published noted that Hayden was becoming one of the magazine's associate editors starting with that issue.

On the subject of alleged police brutality, Captain Kinney stated that during the past 5 years agitators in Newark have tried to exploit every possible grievance between colored and white people and every police arrest.

The Newark Police Department obtained a copy of an NCUP document, dated Summer 1965, concerning field interviews of student and community associates of NCUP on the subject of NCUP accomplishments. Asked during one of these interviews what he meant when he used the term “radical,” Hayden replied :

On the basis of issues that you try to link campaigns for domestic-economic, civil rights and social change to foreign policy and that you have a very clear stand in favor of an end to the war in Vietnam, as well as economic change within the country. * *

Concerning the community action part of the war on poverty, Hayden suggested that the NCUP professional staff might be utilized

1 For information on this group, see HCU A report, Communist Origin and Manipulation of Vietnam Week, March 31, 1967, House Doc. 186, 90th Cong., 1st sess.

to write muckraking articles for the newsletter on a regular basis. Hayden added that the researcher's function should be housed in the same building as the antipoverty program's staff but physically separated in other rooms “the way the Minnis operation is set up with SNCC.” Jack Minnis is the director of research for SNCC. Captain Kinney pointed out that Hayden's reference to Jack Minnis, a white radical, appeared to be a recognition of Minnis role in manipulating SNCC, as well as the suggestion that the Negro majority in the Peoples Action Group (Area Board 3 of the UCC) could be better manipulated by white persons in SDS working in separate quarters but close enough to provide the impetus and ideology for the activity. Captain Kinney testified that others engaged in racial agitation in Newark prior to the riot included: Phil Hutchings, 26, of Newark, SNCC's field director in New Jersey, a onetime college classmate of Stokely Carmichael at Howard University in Washington, D.C., who, in August 1966, arranged a speaking tour for Carmichael in New Jersey. He had previously worked for o g Georgia and Tennessee. While in Washington, he had worked or SIDS. In the spring of 1967 Hutchings and two other SNCC leaders in Newark, Robert E. Fullilove, 24, a college student, and Clinton Hopson Bey, 31, began an organizational drive in Newark. They opened a storefront “Black Liberation Center” at 107 South Orange Avenue, Newark, a location which was also used by Albert Roy Osborne, alias Colonel Hassan, when he was in Newark. When the storefront was burned out, the center moved across the street to a restaurant managed by Clinton Hopson Bey and Ozzie Bey. Hutchings stated, said Captain Kinney, that Newark was chosen by SNCC because of its small area and large Negro population. Moreover, Hutchings further said that Newark was one of several northern cities where SNCC hopes “to translate its black power philosophy into an outlet for frustration and an attack on conditions in the slums.” Hutchings was appointed to UCC's board of trustees by Willie Wright, Negro militant and a vice president of the United Community Corporation. Wright had also helped Hutchings set up the Black Liberation Center. In the spring of 1967, Hutchings had attended several local meetings of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and some preliminary meetings on the Black Power Conference in Newark. He had also become associated with the Black Panthers. Junius Williams, the next militant activist about whom Captain Kinney testified, had written a letter to Tom Hayden which stated, in part: Seeing you people take over the War on Poverty was quite a treat; I've decided I want to tamper with the power structure a bit. * * * At the present time Williams and Hutchings reside together in Newark. They formed a new organization called the Newark Area Planning Association with the aim of involving “the people of the Central Ward in the replanning and administration of Newark.” Other individuals and their organizations who were involved in the racial agitation in Newark prior to the July 1967 riots included Colonel Hassan Jeru Ahmed, whose real name is Albert Roy Osborne, alias Tony Williams. Osborne was born in Washington, D.C., in 1924. He has a lengthy criminal record which includes robbery, housebreaking, false pretenses, forgery, and bad checks. In 1950 he was held for mental observation. He has served time in prisons in the District of Columbia, Virginia, and Pennsylvania. Osborne, whose headquarters are in Washington, D.C., came to Newark several months prior to the 1967 riots and, said Captain Kinney, contributed to the climate that caused the riot. Osborne's group is called the Blackman's Volunteer Army of Liberation. Its so-called regiment—the Black Star Regiment—was located in rooms above a store in Washington, D.C. While claiming to have battalions in major American cities, he has actually fewer than 10 followers. Osborne's avowed intention is to create a mercenary army of American Negroes to fight for the independence of central and southern Africa. Willie Wright, also known as William T. Wright, was born in 1928 in Albany, Georgia. He currently resides in Newark on the second floor of a building above the offices of the United Afro-American Association, an organization which he formed in 1965. his association with nationally known militants and by his foreign travel, Wright has placed himself in the forefront of those seeking violent answers to the Nation's social problems, said Captain Kinney. He collaborated with Stokely Carmichael when the latter came to Newark's Central Ward to urge Negroes to take over Newark “lock, stock, and barrel.” Wright also went to Bratislava in Communist Czechoslovakia with Hayden following the Newark riots. Another active militant in Newark is James Walker, who was born in New Haven, Conn., in 1918. Now employed by the United Community Corporation, OEO, as assistant director for Total Employment and Manpower so Center No. 1 in Newark, Walker has an arrest record dating back to 1938. Prior to July 1967, Walker told two Newark Police Department lieutenants that o city “needed an incident” to bring it to the attention of the Federal Government. On the night the Newark riot started Walker was in the area fomenting trouble. He helped to organize the taxicab caravan to city hall to protest the arrest of cabdriver John Smith, which had triggered the riot. Many cabdrivers complied because they were afraid to do otherwise, Captain Kinney said. One of the outsiders who came into Newark, in addition to those brought in by Hayden, was a Mrs. Audley Moore, who is also known as the Queen Mother. During the meeting of the planning board mentioned above, she made inflammatory statements and hurled epithets at the policemen present who were there to maintain order. At the end of the meeting she took over the chairman's chair. According to this committee's information, Mrs. Moore, from the late 1930's until the end of the 1940's, was a publicly acknowledged member and official of the Communist Party, "go and served on its national Women's Commission. At one time she had served also as an alternate member of the national committee of the party. Because of her militant and separatist approach in calling for the establishment of a black republic in America, a position which the CPUSA had rejected in 1959, Mrs. Moore broke with the party line on the Negro question. In the spring of 1968, she participated in a conference of black militants in Detroit to formally adopt their position in calling for the creation of a separate black republic in five southern States.


The arrest of John Smith, a cabdriver, on the night of July 12, 1967, was the catalyst that set off the Newark riot. Smith, who was born in Warthen, Ga., on January 27, 1927, had had only two previous minor brushes with the law. While the witness believed that the incident of Smith's arrest had not been planned by him, it did provide the occasion which certain individuals and groups were hoping for—groups which were prepared to act decisively when the right time came. Smith, who had been driving his cab on a revoked license, was stopped on the night of July 12 by police officers whose patrol car he was tailgating. He also had been flicking his headlights on and off and alternately braking and accelerating his cab. When asked to produce his license, he became loud, profane, and abusive. He refused to leave his cab when so ordered and finally, when he did, attempted to assault both policemen. Scores of residents in a housing development near the Fourth Precinct station observed Smith's arrival, following his arrest, in the patrol car and his forcible removal from it to the police station, Soon the rumor that “White cops had killed a Negro cab driver.” spread through the area. Several hundred people gathered around the Fourth Precinct chanting for the release of Smith. A fire bomb was thrown at the precinct station. Robert Curvin, a former chairman of the Newark chapter of CORE and a participant in Newark demonstrations for many years, borrowed a bull horn from a civil rights leader who had been attempting to quiet the crowd and made inflammatory remarks to the crowd. Phil Hutchings of SNCC and Betty Moss of NCUP were continually haranguing the crowd with statements such as “The Blacks will kill all you Short Hills cops.” Shortly after midnight a i. car was stoned and the looting of stores began. By 1 a.m. the looting was increasing and spreading to other areas. Fires were set and the firemen who responded to the alarms were stoned. By 2 a.m. a taxicab caravan, organized by James Walker, had formed and was converging on the city hall. James Kennedy, an official of Area Board No. 2, composed a leaflet blaming police brutality for this incident and inflaming the crowd during the same time that Police Director Spina was attempting to quiet it. This leaflet, Captain Kinney said, was a call for a mass meeting the night following the Smith arrest—the episode which set off the fullscale Newark riot. Leaflets were circulated describing the preparation and the making of Molotov cocktail fire bombs for use against such targets as department stores. During the 5-day riot, over 200 cases of sniping were reported. Flyers were distributed, said Kinney, by the Black Liberation Center which had a picture of a “very horrible-looking Uncle Sam” which stated, in part, “Uncle Sam wants YOU, nigger.” LeRoi Jones, playwright, and others were also arrested during the riot for possession of firearms. He and two other men were reported to have been firing their guns from a moving vehicle during the night of the riot. Jones, according to committee counsel, was born in Newark in 1934

and was a graduate of Howard University. His plays have revealed an obsessive hatred for white persons.

In the early 1960's this militant radical was a frequent speaker at meetings of the Trotskyist Communist Socialist Workers' Party (SWP). In 1964 he told a rally of the Harlem Progressive Labor Party, a pro-Peking group, that “we’re the only people” that can make America fall.

He established the Black Arts Repertory. Theater in 1965 and received $40,000 in Federal antipoverty funds, but these funds were later cut off when the police discovered that his project was used as a vehicle to propagate hatred. Also, an arms cache was found in the theater building which Jones owned, noted the counsel.

Captain Kinney informed the committee that Willie Wright had told the Governor's Select Commission on Civil Disorder that a carefully conceived plan to burn much of Newark's main business section was already in execution when John Smith's arrest had set off the major conflagration.


Following the riot, a controversy developed over the plans of Newark's antipoverty agency, the United Community Corporation, to do what it had done the past two summers—use Government money to send children to Camp Abelard, located at Hunter, N.Y. A newspaper had charged that the camp was being utilized as a training area for leftwing activities. The controversy was settled by an OEO determination that the cam was “unacceptable”—despite the fact that the UCC had selecte o Fales to inspect the camp and she had given it a clean bill of ealth. Committee counsel pointed out that FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover had testified that this camp had been under the control of the Communist Party since its establishment in 1929. One postriot rally in Newark featured as a speaker Charles Kenyatta, head of the black militant Mau Mau organization, whose real name is Charles Morris and who was known as Charles 37X when he was a Muslim. Willie Wright's United Afro-American Association also produced leaflets, during the postriot period, which made reference to a police. man who had been murdered during the riot as a “racist detective” whose death was “well-earned.” Also, after the riot, vicious antiSemitic and anti-Italian leaflets were circulated. The Reverend Albert Cleage of Detroit, a militant racist with a long record of extremist activities, said Captain Kinney, also spoke at a meeting sponsored by the UCC in Newark. Committee counsel noted that Cleage, associated since the late 1940's with numerous CPUSA fronts and enterprises, has been in recent years linked with the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party (SWP) by his support of their election candidates and by his speeches at their functions. Cleage has written that he and others had shared with the rioters their “will to violence.” In 1967 Cleage was quoted as having said that “Guerrilla warfare is the black man's answer to the white man's final solution.” Hayden - d his followers have admitted, said Captain Kinney, that they want an entirely new society and a different form of government ... use any and every means to obtain their ends. Hayden and his group, said Captain Kinney, have exploited controversies in the city of Newark “to turn race against race, class against

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