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Mr. Smith. How many arrests took place during this riot ?

Mr.KINNEY. 1,465, which included 91 arrests involving the use of deadly weapons or explosives and 507 cases of breaking and entering. Another interesting statistic is that 844 of the total arrested were under 25 years of age.

Mr. SMITH. What is your estimate on the amount of property damage?

Mr. KINNEY. The latest estimate has been made that the amount of property damage was $15.9 million, of which $4.9 million was not insured.

Mr. SMITH. What was the extent of injuries and wounds?

Mr. KINNEY. There were 1,108 people injured during those riots1,001 who were civilians, 72 police officers, and 35 firemen.

Mr. Smith. The purpose of this hearing is to determine the extent to which subversive elements may have been involved in the Newark riot of July 1967.

Has the Newark Police Department developed any information indi. cating that prior to the outbreak of the riot on July 12, 1967, there were individuals or groups in Newark engaging in activities and distributing literature which would quite obviously have the effect of increasing racial tension, inflaming passions, and thus paving the way for the outbreak of riots?

Mr. KINNEY. Yes. We have developed a considerable amount of information of this type.

The first group I would like to mention is the Students for a Democratic Society. In 1964, a numbe, of activists in this organization came to Newark and organized what is known as the Newark Community Union Project, or known by us as the NCUP.

The key man in this undertaking was Thomas Hayden, who, the year before, had served as national president of the Students for a Democratic Society.

Associated with İlayden in NCUP were the following SDS members, some of whom came to Newark from other areas, and some of whom were natives of Newark: Jesse Allen, a founder and one of the full-time organizers of the NCUP; Robert Kramer and Norman Fruchter, who were also full-time organizers for the group; Carol Glassman and Terry Jefferson; Constance Brown; Corinna Fales, F-a-l-e-s; and Derek Winans.

Mr. Smitu. Mr. Chairman, in order to make the record clear, I believe it would be appropriate at this time to read into the record a brief background statement on the Students for a Democratic Society.

The CHAIRMAN. You may do so at this time.

Mr. Smith. SDS, Students for a Democratic Society, was formed as a successor to the old Student League for Industrial Democracy, which had been established in the early 1930's as the youth organization of the socialist League for Industrial Democracy.

In 1934 SLID, the Student League for Industrial Democracy, temporarily surrendered its independent existence by merging with the Communist-controlled National Student League to form the American Student Union (ASU), which subsequently came under Communist control.

Like other Communist groups which agitated against U.S. involvement in World War II during the time of the Stalin-Hitler pact, the ASU was dissolved in 1941 when Hitler attacked Russia. Overnight

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i. members became vociferous advocates of immediate U.S. entry into the war. SLID was a relatively small, little-known group after World War II until 1959, when it changed its name to Students for a Democratic Society. Six years later, in September 1965, the League for Industrial Democracy cut off all financial support for SDS and also severed all ties with the organization. It apparently took this step both because some of its own members, as well as persons outside the organization, were highly critical of the League for Industrial Democracy because of the activities of SDS, its youth organization, and also because SDS activities threatened the parent organization's tax-exempt status. SDS now claims about 10,000 members, organized in over 200 chapters. It is generally recognized as the largest of the student “new left” organizations. The organization originally barred Communists from membership. At the same time, it was opposed to anticommunism. In 1964, however, it formally adopted a “nonexclusion” policy, that is, a policy of welcoming anyone and everyone into its ranks. J. Edgar Hoover has since testified that, “Communists are actively promoting and participating in the activities” of SDS and that SDS works “constantly in furtherance of the aims and objectives of the Communist Party throughout the Nation.” - - One Students for a Democratic Society project promotes the writings of Mao Tse-tung and Lin Piao—probably as a result of the influx of Progressive Labor Party activists—and is developing an intelligence network of sources here and abroad, including the Viet Cong and leaders of guerrilla movements in other nations. The openly radical and leftist Students for a Democratic Society from the beginning has played a leading role in agitation and protest demonstrations against the draft and against #. efforts to protect South Vietnam from a Communist takeover. The CHAIRMAN. I might state that the statement just read and the testimony of J. Edgar Hoover quoted by counsel confirm the information of this committee with reference to the Students for a Democratic Society. That outfit is honeycombed with subversive and Communist characters. Now, Captain, let me ask you this question, and, frankly, I don’t think I have asked it before, but you have such an admirable background that you might throw light on it, because what is true is that you see, thus far, we have looked into the Watts riots, the New York riots, and the Newark riots now, and we will come to some more as time goes on. In fact, we might reach Washington after a while. I don't know. I am not prognosticating a thing. But I request, and I want to ask you this: Inasmuch as this outfit was in the background in some of these riots that have taken place, did you find, or did you try to find, whether any of these characters who participated in these riots, particularly the unsavory kind, were paid for their daily work or any part of their endeavors? Did you try to find it out? Frankly, I have not asked that question before, sir. Your testimony would be brand new. Have you got any information on that, that leads you to believe that might have been the case?

Mr. KINNEY. Mr. Chairman, do you mean were they paid by a foreign power?

The CHAIRMAN. Anybody. Because frequently these local characters, these local Commies are just as bad as the foreign-power Commies. They are just not fitted to be in the mainstream of our society.

So I am just asking you if you have anything which led you to believe or know that locally, by local people, or by anyone, some of these people who happen to be at these riots might have been paid for their daily labor to carry torches and loot and pilfer and burn. Do you have any information ?

Mr. KINNEY. Mr. Chairman, I have no information.

The CHAIRMAN. I warned you we hadn't gone into that, but I suppose it is time for us to find that out.

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, the committee files contain considerable information on the Newark Community Union Project founder, Tom Hayden. Permission is requested to read into the record at this time a summary of the highlights of Hayden's career based on the information in the committee's files.

The CHAIRMAN. That suggestion is welcome.

Mr. SMITH. Hayden, a founder of the Students for a Democratic Society, served as one of the organization's field representatives in 1961 and 1962. During this period he worked with SNCC, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, in Alabama and Mississippi.

The CHAIRMAN. That is the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee? I think it is a misnomer. I think it should be “Nonstudent Violence Coordinating Committee.”

Mr. SMITH. Based on this experience, he subsequently wrote a pamphlet published by SDS entitled “Revolution in Mississippi.”

Hayden has made a number of trips abroad in the past several years.

In 1962 he was a member of the U.S. delegation to the Communist organized and controlled Eighth World Youth Festival which was held in Helsinki, Finland.

In December 1965, in violation of State Department regulations, Hayden traveled to North Vietnam and Communist China with Communist Party theoretician Herbert Aptheker and former Yale professor Staughton Lynd. The three met with Asian revolutionary leaders in Hanoi, Peking, and also in Prague, Czechoslovakia. Before returning to the United States on January 7, 1966, they also visited Moscow.

Following this trip, Hayden wrote the foreword to the book Mission to Hanoi, which was written by Herbert Aptheker. In addition, Hayden collaborated with Staughton Lynd in writing another book on the trip entitled The Other Side. This book, published in January 1967, depicts the Viet Cong as heroes and warmly praises the Communist leaders of North Vietnam. It also tells about some of the brutality inflicted on the Vietnamese people by the Communists, but excuses it as a “necessary part of resistance against the greater evil of foreign attack and rule,” to use the words of the pro-Viet Cong Viet Report.

In April 1967 Hayden visited Puerto Rico as a member of a factfinding group whose trip was arranged by the Tri-Continental Information Center.

The Tri-Continental Information Center is a relatively new Communist-supported organization, set up in the spring of 1967, with its

headquarters in New York City. Part of its program is to “combat and debilitate U.S. foreign policy.” While in Puerto Rico as an agent of the Tri-Continental Information Center, Hayden took part in an islandwide march which was held on April 16, 1967. The purpose of this march was to protest the drafting of Puerto Ricans for service in Vietnam and also to oppose a forthcoming plebiscite in which most Puerto Ricans were expected to-and actually did— endorse continuation of the island's commonwealth relationship with the United States. This demonstration was sponsored by the Movimiento Pro Independencia [de Puerto Rico], MPI, which FBI Director Hoover has described as the largest and most influential of Puerto Rican proindependence groups and a consistent supporter of Castro's government in Cuba. The MPI maintains a “mission” in Havana. MPI delegations also attended two recent Havana conferences aimed at encouraging Communist revolutions in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. They were the Tricontinental Conference held in January 1966 and the First Conference of the Latin American Solidarity Organization, which convened in July 1967. At the latter conference, the MPI spokesman favored more concrete expressions of solidarity with Communist guerrillas actively engaged in efforts to overthrow four Latin American governments. He also stated that the MPI would continue to show its solidarity with Communists fighting to overthrow the South Vietnamese Government by continuation of an MPI campaign of resistance to the draft of Puerto Ricans into the U.S. Armed Forces. In September 1967 Hayden was one of a group of approximately 40 U.S. citizens who traveled to Bratislava, Czechoslovakia, to meet with representatives of the Viet Cong and the Communist government of North Vietnam. As a result of contacts made at that meeting, he traveled to Phnom Penh, Cambodia, in November 1967, where three U.S. POW's were turned over to him. He brought the three back to the United States, where they were taken into custody by military authorities. Hayden's most recent trip abroad was undertaken in January of this year, when he went to Havana, Cuba, to take part in the International Cultural Congress held there January 4 to 11 to discuss problems of the “third world,” which Communist and other revolutionaries expect will destroy non-Communist governments in the years ahead. Captain Kinney, do you have information to submit for the record In o activities in Newark prior to the July 1967 riot? Mr. KINNEY., Yes, sir. Thomas Hayden, who is 28, white, male, has been described by the New York Times as “the improbable radical” and the now defunct New York World Journal Tribune as “the white Stokely,” and he has made the city of Newark his base of operations since 1964. Thomas Emmett Hayden was born on December 11, 1939, in Detroit. He has no brothers or sisters. In June 1957 he graduated from the Dondero High School in Royal Oak, Michigan. While a student at high school, he was the editor of the high school publication, but he refused to recognize authority and discipline. He Was a constant Source of trouble to the school administration.

His parents were divorced, and Hayden lived with his mother while in high school

He received his A.B. degree in June of 1961 at the University of Michigan, majoring in English. In his senior year, Hayden was the editor in chief of the Michigan Daily, the University of Michigan official campus publication.

Shortly after graduation, on October 1, 1961, he married one Sandra Cason, C-a-s-o-n, in Texas. His wife, a Texan, was known as Casey, and they met while working together in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, or SNCC, in the South. They are now separated, as Hayden believes there is no place in “the Movement" for marriage. He said, "I tried it, and it didn't work."

The question has been asked on occasion as to Thomas Hayden's source of income. The [NCUP] group of the Students for a Democratic Society live communally. Hayden is the hero of the young white radicals, and their publications are full of Hayden and Newark. It is claimed that he also receives money for speaking engagements, usually on college campuses. He is usually sponsored by the Students for a Democratic Society or by various and sundry "end the war in Vietnam" committees.

Hayden took Dr. Abraham Yesselson's place. Dr. Yesselson is chairman of the University College, Rutgers, political science department. He is also an author. Hayden took Dr. Abraham Yesselson's place as an instructor in political science in Newark University College of Rutgers, between January and May, 1967. Yesselson had been given a fellowship by the United States Government, which necessitated him finding a substitute for the second semester of his political science class.

On occasion, Hayden came to class to teach, dirty and disheveled, wearing worn clothing and shoes, needing a haircut and a shave. On several occasions he brought along Constance Brown, who was not a student, but who sat in on the classes.

When Hayden missed a class, his place as an instructor was in turn taken by his attorney, Leonard Weinglass.

Hayden was arrested in Newark on April 1, 1967, while picketing a food store at Clinton Avenue in Newark, for failure to move on orders of the police.

He was one of a large group of Newark Community Union Project workers arrested on that day.

Mr. SMITH. Do you have information on the background and activities of Jesse Allen?

Mr. KINNEY. Yes. Jesse Allen serves both as one of the key officials of NCUP, as well as an organizer for the United Community Corporation, Area Board 3, also called the Peoples' Action Group, under the Office of Economic Opportunity.

In 1965 Allen was a delegate to the SDS national convention.

The Newark Star-Ledger of July 17, 1967, pages 1 and 5, lists Allen as the organizer for the UCC Area Board 3 who attended a meeting, during the Newark riot, of Negro leaders, who issued a set of demands that they said must be fulfilled before the rioting could end.

See p. 1873 for background information on Constance Brown.

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