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upon this moft defirable measure, I truff, thro' our joint endeavours, we shall be able to open the eyes of our abfurd countrymen, fo far as to fhew them their true interests. You will, I am fure, excufe me for following the example of all my fellow-patriots to a man, who have written at the fide of this question I have taken, by not putting my real name to my affertions of the manifeft benefits we are about to receive. Not that I would

TO THE

EDITORS of the ANTI-UNION.

GENTLEMEN,

have you fuppofe, that either they or I feel in the least I HAVE read FITZPATRICK, in your Paper, with

afhamed, at the thought of avowing ourselves, but the
truth is, that it is juft as well, quietly to pocket the re-
ward of our exertions, without encountering the odium
and hatred, the people in their prefent fwinifh difpofition,
are inclined to heap on their best friends, as unneceffarily
to rifque the effect of our faid affertions by an avowal that
might give rife to mifconftructions of our motives, as
well as procure us ufelefs ill-will and difgrace. You I know that vento is wind, but what is the reft?
need not mind printing this last period. Believe me to
be, &c. &c.

great pleasure, but being no Latin fcholar, request to
know the meaning of the paffage in which it is said,
that the Castle Gentleman, who wrote the great pamph-
let for the UNION, was wafted here

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QUO PRUNA ET COCTONA VENTO..

Your refpectful Reader,

1

GABRIEL HOMEBRED.

FORCEABLE ABDUCTION

AND

REWARD.

THE agreeable Widow IRELAND, having been

forceably carried off by fome villains, with intent to marry or defile her-Thefe are to give notice, that by the Statutes in that cafe made and provided, the attempt is a capital felony, even though the horrid crime fhould not be compleated.-We are much pained to add, that a young boy, a fon of her own, has been concerned in this wicked enterprize. Any perfon who fhall apprehend, and profecute him to conviction, fhall receive an ample reward. He may be eafily known, being a flender ftripling, not yet arrived at years of difcretion. His breeches fit loofely on him, owing to a premature application to bufinefs. He is the fame lad who at a late election in a Northern County, pledged himself to Parliamentary Reform, and declared himfelf devoted to the independence of his country; on which occafion a large fubfcription was raised for him. His voice has in it, Arong tendencies to pfalmody..

IN compliance with the request of Mr. Home-
BRED, and other friends who may require tranflations,
we inform the public that the line in queftion means,
THE ILL-WIND THAT BLEW NOBODY GOOD..

EPIGRAM.

How kind 'tis in England to force us to take,

That favor, an UNION, and all for our fake?
Juft fo we treat turkeys; we cram them with food
To make them grow fat :-but 'tis all for their good..

PRICE 2D.

TO THE

ELECTORS

OF THE

TUESDAY, JANUARY 22, 1799

KINGDOM OF IRELAND...

No. XII.

of arguments tending to re-kindle the flames of party difcord; and thereby clearly evincing the policy that has for years back been preparing the nation for fuch arguments-whilst our great men are clandeftinely drawn over one by one, through the fecret fuggeftions of the British minifter;-thus with terror as the argument to the people, and fomething lefs oftenfible, but not lefs. forcible, addreffed to the parliamentary leaders, aided by divifions ftudiously kept up to prevent the different claffes of the community from conferring for the benefit of the whole, is a measure involving every thing that

THE day is faft approaching, which is to decide your can be dear to a free people, propofed and forwarded,

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political existence for ever to decide, whether you are to retain the proud right of forming a national reprefentative, fubject to national controul, to continue the depofitaries and guardians of the national liberties of Ireland; or, funk to the burghers of a petty corporation, to enjoy the little privilege of fending your infignificant quota into the parliament of another country, there to fwell the full stream of ministerial influence, or to be borne down by the overpowering torrent of oppofing interefts. The day, I fay, which is thus to determine whether the electoral body of the kingdom of Ireland, fhall be annihilated, is at hand-and yet you are filent! There is a degree of infult, that, for the moment, overcomes indignation-and injury may rife to that height, that refentment may, for a time, be loft in amazement, or filenced in horror. That fuch an effect fhould have been produced on the minds of a gallant people, who, after having gloriously maintained their ground against the most formidable combination of foreign and domeftic foes, are now told they are not fit to be trufted with the direction of their own affairs-told that the independence which they had fo bravely vindicated, against the common enemy, they must now furrender to British aggrandizement-told this by the very nation, for which, no less than for their own, they had fought and bled-and told this at a time when the country is avowedly placed under military controul; troops received for the purpose of protection, manifeft ly continued for the purpose of intimidation-and others daily pouring in, with an evident view to clear away fuch doubts as may yet hang upon the queftion of an Union;-That fuch an effect, I fay, should, under fuch circumftances, have been wrought upon your minds, is far from matter of furprize; ftill lefs does it furnish caufe of wonder, when it is confidered in what way this degrading measure has been introduced, and by what means it has been promoted;-announced in a publication confeffedly official, with the accompaniment

whilst you are defired freely and calmly to difcufs its merits, and in the fame breath commanded to receive the great advantages it is to bestow. When infult has thus combined with treachery, to rob you of your rights, and the nation of its independence, it is, I repeat it, far from matter of wonder, that a momentary filence, the mixed result of astonishment and horror, fhould have on your part, fucceeded the disclosure of fo flagitious a plan; but it is time that this ftupor fhould pars away; and that the natural feelings of a juft indignation should have vent. Remember, I befeech you! that in a cafe of fuch perilous moment, not an inftant should be lost; the nation must decide Now, or the question will be decided for it. It is true, the policy of the propofers, whilst it has announced the measure, has withheld the conditions; and you are told, that to difcufs the queftion of Union, while you are ignorant of the terms, is to talk of you know not what; that it is in the truc logic of our counntry, to come to the conclufion, without once enquiring about the premiffes; the fhallowness of this artifice, is an additional infult; the framers of it are well aware, that when the measure, with its detailed conditions, has come before parliament, your interfe rence will be too late-the filence of the people will be argued into acquiefcence-at least, the general principle of Union will be held as conceded, and the ignorance of fpecific conditions, will then be mocked as an idle plea, perhaps by the very perfons who now urge it in bar of deliberation-and with reafon, for admitting even that any conditions, morally speaking, could outweigh the mischiefs, how far are thofe that we may expect, likely to be favourable? Look to the critical juncture that has been feized for the propofal of the measure, and the answer presents itself ;-in the moment of diftraction we are called on to deliberate; in the phrenzy of mutual exafperation, we are invited to confer; under the protection of British troops we are fummoned to negociate a treaty with Britian; and does equity,

then, demand the aid of violent paffions to enforce its decifions of our beft informed merchants e vince with claims? Is intimidation the ufual harbinger of benifi- cqual clearness that its profperity can receive no accefficence? That people furely must be more thanBoeotian, on from what Great Britain can beftow? Does not the that requires to be frightened or forced into a juft fenfe father of Irish trade, that diftinguished commoner, to France indeed has had the whofe opinion the Irish merchant fhould peculiarly look of its obvious interefts. glory of compelling the bleffings of liberty and frater- up with grateful reverence, does he not by his difinthe Union, declare in the strongest nizing incorporation at the point of the bayonet. Can terefted and peremptory rejection of the proffered it be neceffary to the happiness of these countries that benefits of fhe should be disturbed in that pre-eminence? The pa- terms his fenfe of its injury to Ireland? And are you triotic fecretary fays, yes. But ftill we are told, the terms then to be cajoled with the found of commercial gain? will be favourable. Granted, for fake of argument, As little will you be impofed on by the empty promife What then? Against terms the most favourable that of national tranquillity? Should even the measure pafs Britain can offer, I do not fcruple to proteft. Let not without exciting national convulfion; nay more, admit your honefty and good fenfe, my brother electors, be the poffibility that a project, whereby all parties and demade the dupes of Castle chicane; this, I affirm, can- fcriptions are to be degraded, fhould produce a temporary not be confidered a queftion of terms; to reprefent it calm, yet that it will be but the calm that precedes the as fuch, has been the little trick of thofe who, whilft tempeft, and which will ultimately explode in violent they concealed the terms, hoped to cajole you into inac divulfion of the fifter kingdoms-every intelligent and tion, and to keep back that expreffion of your will, which honest man amongst us must fee and deplore! In the they well knew would be ruinous to their caufe. Look difguft of the loyalist, and the exultation of the traitor, to the glaring features of the measure, and judge whe- already too vifible, we may difcern this calamitous issue. ther any terms can correct their hideous and difgufting In the nature of the cafe, if the nation fhall be tricked out deformity: The furrender of our Parliament-the of its independence, he muft difcern it as a neceffary conconfequent abdication, of our national will-the en- fequence; and in this light, peculiarly it is, that as fubcreafed burden of taxation and debt the extinction of jects breathing the warmest fentiments of loyal affection all refponfibility-the certain emigration of our gentry to our gracious Sovereign, and ready, as you have lately the foreign education and confequent eftrangement of proved, to lay down your lives in fupport of the prefent our youth-the influx of a new and overwhelming in- conftitutional connexion with Great Britain, you are fluence, abforbing all the rewards of profeffional ability most powerfully called on to refift the prefent measure as and exertion-our metropolis difpeopled-our univerfity destructive to the intereft of Ireland and the empire. deferted our profeffions difgraced-and our people dif- You fee then that to hold out tranquillity and commerce heartened. Thefe, I fay, are the effential and inherent in exchange for our independence and increasing profcharacters of this tremendous change; and fhall we yet perity, is but a mockery of the nation: It is to offer bear to be told, that this is a queftion of terms? are thefe ef- what is at beft but uncertain and fpeculative and remote, fects that I have enumerated the necessary results of an in place of what iscertain and practical and immediate— Union? If they be, fhall we enquire what may be the It is to offer what, if certain and immediate, would not But prove an equivalent-It is to offer as neceffarily conterms that fhall modify NATIONAL RUIN? nected with an Union, what is but incidental to it, in as ftill we are told, that the extenfion of our commerce, and the establishment of our tranquillity, will operate much as no one expedient can fafely be adopted for the in counteraction, or at least, in compenfation of accomplishment of either object in the event of an But above all, it is to offer, that as the efthefe evils? That fuch evils are beyond the reach of Union, that may not with equal fafety be reforted to compenfation is too plain for proof, and in the predicti- without it. on of their counter-action we will not furely feek an fect of an Union, the very reverfe of which is to be equivalent for the positive and immediate facrifices we dreaded as its natural refult. And is it, after all this, But in what way are com- pretended that you have not fufficient data whereon to are called on to make. merce and tranquillity to flow from the projected mea- ground your decifions? to fuch fophiftry, I have no fure? Do not the confeflions of all who are converfant doubt, it is in a good meafure to be attributed, that those in Irish trade clearly evince that its ftate fince the efta- decifions have been hitherto withheld; but its impofitiblishment of Irish independence has been eminently ons are too manifeft longer to mislead your judgment. profperous and progreffive? Do not the reafonings and You will not difgrace the characteristic fagacity of your county, by allowing men, whofe understandings are inagain in p. 47. fpeaking of the trade of the kingdom, he ftates from official documents" that on a comparitive view of the trade of ireland, experts and imports, during eight years, ending at Lady day 1797, there is an accruing balance in her favour of more than in the fame period; " this is the country," his Lord.hip properly 6,540,0col.; and the encreafe of her tonnage has been 17,872 tons adds, "that is to be reprefented as finking under the weight of miffrom impending ruin, only by a radical parliamentary reform!" government! This is the country which the Sovereign is to rescue

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In the Lord Chancellor's fpeech, on the motion made by Lord Moira in the Irish houfe of Lords, it is exprefsly afferted, that during the last twenty years "there is not a nation on the habitable globe, which has advanced in cultivation and commerce, in agriculture and in manufactures, with the fame rapidity."-Vide fpeech published by authority, P. 4; again in P. 45, fpeaking of the value of linens exported from Ireland, even under the preffure of the war, he tates it to have been "from 1792 to 1795 inclufive, 11,662,155," that is "2,200,000 over and above the amount of it in the four correfponding years prior to the war ;" and the value of the export in 1796, he ftates to be vafly greater than it ever had amounted to in any one year, fince the linen manufacture was first established in Ireland ;" and

It can be fearcely neceffary to mention that the Speaker is the eminent character here alluded to.

ferior to your own, to defraud you of your electora terefted in the question than the nation at large? This right by the impudent pretence that the exercife of it is has been infinuated by thofe whofe intereft it is to war too early, until it fhall be too late. No, my fellow elec- with truth on the prefent momentous fubject. The tors, you are as little in danger from the weaknefs that motives of this infinuation it is difficult to mifunderwou'd expofe your deareft privileges to fo barefaced a stand, but the folly of it is not lefs confpicuous than its pilfer, as from the wickednefs that would abdicate them malice. To fuppofe that the great profeffions of the by a deliberate and voluntary furrender. Let me then country fhould decay-that its University should droop entreat you inftantly to fnatch the opportunity of enter that the merchants of the metropolis fhould declineing through the medium of your reprefentatives a nati- and that the metropolis itself, and its vicinity, should onal protest against this ruinous measure. Remember waste away-and that the king jom at large fhould exthat if you do not feize the prefent occafion of commu- perience no fenfible injury from all this, is to fuppofe nicating with your parliament, you thereby as far as in what is directly abfurd. To infinuate that other trading you lies determine that you never shall have another. towns fhall rife upon the downfall of the capital, and Remember alfo, that this is above all questions that can thence to urge to them the advantage of the measure, is be made the fubjects of parliamentary deliberation, pe- an infult, at the fame time, to their understanding and culiarly a queftion of the people. The powers of parlia- their morals. Common fenfe rejects the notion-that ment it is not neceffary to difcufs. To fcrutinize them to impoverish one part of a country will enrich the with theoretical feverity in cafes of ordinary mo- reft; and common honefty rejects the lure, that would ment is unbecoming; in the prefent cafe it would be fet up the feeling of a fordid selfishness against the pubfuperfluous. That they have fome limit is certain. lic weal. Admitting then, even that a regard to their The point beyond which they cannot pafs the plain local interefts could have folely influenced the decificas principles of the conftitution, and the ordinary fug- of the great bodies of the metropolis and its vicinity, geftions of common fenfe manifeftly define. The om- would it be wife, or honourable, on that ground to renipotence of the parliament acting within the great lines ject their example, connected as their interefts must be of the conftitution, every loyal fubject must be refolute with thofe of the nation? But thefe bodies have not to maintain, but the magic of that word cannot change been led by local confiderations on this momentous a truft into a property; cannot transform freemen into queftion; they know full well, that in a general refult flaves; and a parliament, that in a matter affecting its of encreased profperity, (if fuch were to be the confeown existence, and the established rights of a free peo- quence of an Union)they must eventually participate in ple, fhould decide upon their furrender, without, the full proportion. The riches and comforts of a state clear and unbiaffed expreffion of national confent, mult cannot long remain accumulated in one part of a counbe deeply refponfible for the confequences of a violated try; but like the waters which fertilize the foil, will conftitution. On this ground it is peculiarly pro- fall through the lower grounds, until they have found per, as well as neceffary, that the fentiments of their level, by general diffufion. No: the views of the great conftituent body of the nation fhould thofe informed bodies are not to be circumfcribed by be explicitly announced. On other occafions parlia- the narrow limits which the habitual meanness of cafment might deem, or affect to deem, your inter- tle fycophancy fo well used to adjust to its own grovelference obtrusive. If partial, they might plead, that ing purfuits, prefumes to prefcribe to them in the prealthough appointed as local delegates, they become uni- fent inftance;-they have come forward on this, as they verfal trustees; even when general they might con- have done on former occafions, with promptnefs, from tend, that though deriving their powers from you, they the nature of the cafe. At the fource and fountain are constituted not the refponfive organs of your will, head of public intelligence; exercised in habits of rebut the difcretionary guardians of your interefts. Nay, fiection; from numerous concourfe, and frequent colliI admit this to be juft, when they take their ftand upon fion, continually employed in the difcuffion of public conthe ground of the conftitution, and would maintain its cerns; acting in a scene of conftant activity and exerancient bulwarks against the impetus of popular inno- tion; the proceedings of government daily and hourly pafvation; but in the prefent cafe in which our old confti- fing before their eyes, and fubmitted, as it were,to their tution is to be relinquifhed, in which the very effence immediate inspection and animadverfion, it is not wonof the folemn truft repofed in the reprefentative body is derful that the refidents of the capital, and its vicinity, to be annihilated, you not only have a right to fpeak fhould have been the firft to debate and decide on this your determination, but in ftrictnefs, unless you do, important queftion. Let me afk, is this the fingle cafe no conftitutional decifion can be had. Beware, then, in which the metropolis has taken the lead? Look to how your filence fhall be interpreted; it furely, in a the establishment of the never to be forgotten volunteer cafe like the prefent, with good reafon, will be held a army of Ireland; look to other public and great occalanguage expreffive and peremptory. Already have fons. Was it the corrupt and local views of the genfome bodies exercifed their conftitutional rights, and tlemen of the bar, and of the merchants and inhabiothers are proceeding to do fo. In the inftructions of tants of Dublin, and its neighbourhood, that led them the city and county of Dublin, and thofe of the Uni- at the moment of national danger, to fling up all their verfity to their reprefentatives, in the declarations of domeftic enjoyments, and encountering all the hardship that learned and public fpirited body, the Irish Bar, as of military fervice, to fet the example of a yeoman well as of the liberal and enlightened merchants and inftitution, to which alone we are at this moment inbankers of the metropolis, the feelings of national dig debted for our exiftence as a people. Look to every nity and fubftantial patriotism have been powerfully ex- nation, and fee whether the metropolis is not the first preffed. Shall we fay, that thefe bodies are more in- to take the alarm on every public shock. See whether

it has not ufually fet the example of public fpirit, and whether its vigilance has not ufually proved the fafeguard of national freedom. But to the example of thefe bodies that have openly deliberated on the question of Union, the fingular and novel fituation of this country at the prefent day, attaches a peculiar value. A visible proof has been hereby exhibited, that there no longer exifts an obstacle to the conftitutional meetings of the people. I am well aware, that in thofe diftricts of the kingdom in which military law has been enforced, (and ftrange to fay, in fome parts, trials by court-martial do at this moment prevail) it has been generally believed, that all affemblies of the people, convened even in their

electoral capacity, and for conftitutional objects, are fubjected to the control of military power; and to 'this ftrange notion,ned to an equally ftrange mifconception of the convention act, I have little doubt that the filence of many counties is, in fome degree to be imputed. Yes, my brother electors, from the erroneous opinion on this head, which fome have taken no fmall pains to encourage, do the partizans of the minifter expect their principal advantage, from your panic, and your misapprehenfions alone do they hope fuccefs; but the array of military force cannot face down the conftitution. While that lafts no power can wreft from you the privilege of meeting to reftri&t thofe whom you have appointed your parliamentary guardians. Military jurifdiction interferes not with your elcctoral rights, it neither can, nor dare; and the convention bill, as appears both from the exprefs declaration of Lord Clare, and from the words of the bill itfelf, whilft it guards against unlawful affemblies of delegated bodies undermining and ufurping the powers of parliament, moft carefully and explicitly provides, that the antient and undoubted right of petition and remonflrance, fhould remain unimpaired-but if any be yet fo cautious, or rather fo timid, as to feek still farther fatisfaction, on this head, it is now furnished by the actual exercife of that right, without disturbance or objection, under the very eye of the fupreme civil and military power. One difficulty, I am aware, yet remains to impede your collective deliberations-the theriff of a county may be bafe enough to refufe compliance with the wishes of the Electors; that this treacherous abufe of the authority of this officer, has already been employed in fome cafes, to defeat the honeft intentions of the freeholder, there is reafon to believe but need I remind you, that his authority has no legal controul over the exercife of your undoubted right to affemble in your counties, for the purpofe of inftructing your representatives. This right depends not for its exertion, on the permiffion of any officer whom the crown appoints. One word more, and I have done when you affemble to deliberate, let me remind you that the magnitude of the queftion demands from you the most ferious and temperate demeanour-the dignity and firmness of your proceedings, will, I truft, be fuch as to filence the most unblufhing calumniators of liberty let the glorious caufe of national independence, which fummons you to difcuffion, animate you with fentiments truly worthy of it-tumult and trepidation would ill befit a nation demanding its rights-paffion, like ma

levolence, is the child of weakness-in a great people, knowing their power to be commenfurate to their rights, it can have no place-Speak, then, with calmness, but with decifion, and corruption will fhrink from the found-Speak, and you must be heard! A FELLOW-ELECTOR

To the INHABITANTS of this CITY.

FELLOW-CITIZENS,

As it is now certainly known that the measure of incorporating this kingdom with Great Britain, will this day be either directly or incidentally fubmitted to parliament, we hold ourfelves bound, as friends to good order, and enemies to this measure, to imprefs on the public, the impropriety of violence or commotion. Let not the phrenzy of refentment, or the giddinefs of fudden feeting, prompt to any act, which may tend to overawe the deliberations of parliament, or give a reafon for introducing a military force, to protect the reprefentative body from the people. If there exifts a confpiracy against the independence of the legislature of this kingdom, let the confpirators find no precedent, in the miftaken zeal of Irishmen. Be not deceived into the opinion that one vote can be influenced against the measure, by popular disturbance. No! But the fury of a mob may furnish an argument to those who can in no other way, than by the pretence of refifting it affe&t independence. Firm and confcientious men may be forced by popular threats to incline against the popular caufe, and to thofe who are falfe and defigning, the merit of oppofing tumult, may afford a plaufible excufe for their conduct. Never yet did a riotous affembly ferve the caufe for which it was collected; but it frequently gave a pretext to the governing power, to ftrengthen its hands, and enforce its meafures-Let the example of Scotland be a warning to us-The people of Edinburgh rofe in all their power against the parliament. History relates the event-"The privy council iffued a proclamation against riots-commanding all perfons to retire from the ftreets, whenever the drum fhould beat, ordering the guards to fire upon thofe who fhould difobey this command, and indemnifying them from all profecution for maiming and flaying the fubje&.”*

Let us remind you, that great and dreadful as the calamity is, with which you are threatened, it is yet but a profped-It may, and we truft will, be prevented by that powerful band of patriotic legislators, who, we know, are ready to refift this daring and infolent attack on the conftitution of our country. That the exertions of thofe men-that the general indignation which it is now apparent the whole country entertains, and which has been in fo many inftances, already declared against the measure, in a conftitutional way-will ultimately defeat the attempt, and overwhelm its authors in everlasting infamy-we have no doubt, provided the public opinion continues to declare itself in the fame bold, yet conftitutional, the fame manly and firm,. tho' pacific and orderly manner, in which it has hitherto spoken.. Smollet-vol. 2.-P. 92..

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