discussion would have been confined chiefly to the effect on individual, not on national life. Still, we may mention one perversion of the new Christian idea, which has deeply influenced History. We mean Antinomianism. Again, there is an instructive contrast between the Roman conception of universal unity and the Christian. Considered theologically, the present Roman Catholic Church have held to the old conception, while at least in the theory of its noblest writers the Protestant has adopted the Christian. Let us, however, speak of these ideas only as influencing nations. Rome endeavoured, by the extension of its citizenship, first to Italy, and afterwards to the whole empire, to establish a great unity under the control of one system of law; but only succeeded, and that partially, in creating a uniformity whose parts had no cohesion. And so it came to pass that, when the thunder-storm of Gothic war poured its dark clouds of armed barbarians on the devoted empire, the parts were shocked asunder, and the mighty fabric was rent to the four winds of heaven. Christianity, on the other hand, recognises the heterogeneous character of nations, their different climates, passions, and modes of action, and accepts the facts of humanity. But it creates a true unity by the infusion of one spirit, which develops itself freely in junction with opposing national characteristics, conforms itself to the divinities of individuals and people, and constitutes a world-wide unity. To use the simile of St. Paul, each nation, like each member of the body, is different, and has its own work to do, but is indissolubly bound to the whole, and to its brethren, by the one spirit which is working in and through all. We do not say that this really exists as a national European fact, but it does so in idea at least, or what would be the meaning of the term Christendom? The confession by nations, however differing in religious systems, that they are all under the kinghood of Christ, establishes a hidden unity stronger than the Roman uniformity. To use another comparison, the nations dart from the same centre, but all radiate differently to the circumference, yet in the circle there is a perfect unity; and this simile suggests another difference between the Pagan and the Christian modes of civilization. The one attempted to regenerate by working from the outward to the inward, while the other, and this is almost the very genius of Christian operation, develops itself from the inward to the outward. There is one other idea which we think we are justified in assuming as peculiarly Roman-that the religion of the state should necessarily be the religion of the people-not that the Romans were averse to toleration, but that they were averse to disturbance. Till Christianity arose, this did not meet with much opposition. Men did not much care what Gods they worshipped, provided they worshipped something, and divine philosophy adopted for its followers, as Plato did in his Dialogues, the mythology of various countries, as the groundwork of fables in which mysteries were taught. Religions and nations were equally elastic. When Christianity came, as all have remarked, it allowed of no religion but its own; and the sword which our Redeemer brought on earth was there indeed before, but was sheathed, since the indifference of men had never presented it with an enemy. But now it sprang from its scabbard, and is named Intolerance. For years it flashed and reddened upon earth; for years men did not understand that the genius of Christianity was freedom of thought, unshackled by State-law, and the sword and the fire which Christianity inevitably brought with it were wielded remorselessly by government after government, till at last religious intolerance embodied itself in the See of Rome. The idea of Pagan Rome, that the religion of the State should be the religion of the people, inoffensive as long as no opposition existed, became a deadly woe when the freedom of thought awoke; and we may trace the continuance of this Pagan thought in the history of the Romish See to its false conception of another Christian idea, that of spiritual unity. That See carried out the ancient Roman conception of uniformity by law, by announcing that the world should only have one form of Religion, while Christianity had declared that true unity consisted in variety of form--unity of spirit. Then it was that the Reformation asserted the freedom of individual, and, consequently, of national thought. Long, long was the struggle-painful were the throes in which religious toleration was born. "The troubles, civil wars, popular insurrections, and acts of oppression," which sprang out of the Reformation, may be said to have closed in the persecution of the Protestants under Louis XIV. Since then, general religious toleration, of course often infringed in particular instances, may be said to have prevailed in Europe. The religion of the State was no longer necessarily the religion of the people. The true unity of the Christian Church and of Christian nations began gradually to be understood. But it is only now in this nineteenth century that the Christian theory of toleration is beginning to establish itself firmly in the world. Though its future influence may be calculated, but not positively enunciated; still, on the other hand, the struggles in which it was born have had the deepest influence in the formation of nations. It is Schlegel who says "that the Reformation, and the peculiar form it assumed in each country, has been the ruling element of power in modern history." It is enough to instance the Thirty Years' war, the independence of Holland, the influence of the Huguenot refugees on trade, the foundation of the American colonies, and their independence, which was more or less prepared by the emigration of the Puritans, and "the difference of the national spirit of America and England which can only be satisfactorily explained by going back to its primal source the Reformation, and the wars and parties which issued from it." But, now that the idea of religious toleration is spreading fast in Europe, we shall soon see its fruits in greater national freedom, in advancing literature, in more vital religion, in a more moral and a loftier ideal of Art, and in a higher civilization founded not only on a truer conception of the relations of class, but also on a wider extension of knowledge, and a vaster application of Science to the necessities of Humanity. "The golden age lies before us, not behind us." Thus have we most imperfectly traced the contrast between Ancient and Modern Ideas, and that chiefly in their symbols; for, as we tritely remarked at the commencement of this article, Ideas are most clearly read in their Forms. In conclusion, we would deprecate any minute criticism, for we have necessarily been vague, treating only of the general influence of General Ideas, in large cycles of time, and not of the multitudinous and various ramifications which, in recurring centuries, and amidst different nations, have branched to every quarter of the sky, from the original root of these conceptions. For the circles of change slowly ingroove themselves with one another, too slowly sometimes for human sight or human thought to grasp. Of many small ideas is compacted the great whole of One, through rapid and slow gradations, and thus the wise man looking on History regards not points of minute difference, but rests in the contemplation of large conceptions, large results, and hears the great movements of the world, unheeding the detonations of casual events, and watches for the coming light, not unmindful of, yet not dismayed by, short eclipses of the sun of Progress. "E'en now we hear with inward strife A motion toiling in the gloom- "A slow-develop'd strength awaits "The warders of the growing hour, But vague in vapour, hard to mark; THE LIVING SECRET. AN ALLEGORY. CHAPTER IV. "In every man's life the great God has written an Idyl."-JEAN PAUL. ELLEN MARTIN's endeavours to bring about a better state of things in her new home were only partially successful-much less so in reality than she perceived or would have acknowledged to herself. Over James Field she had indeed obtained a strong influence, and from the morning of their compact of friendship described in the last chapter, his conduct was most exemplary, his very words and looks showing an amount of forbearance and dutiful submission which much astonished Miss Casey and all who were put in authority over him. This gained him a degree of exemption from the annoyances, which he no longer appeared to feel. There was no pleasure in cutting at one who seemed to be insensible. Miss Casey, indeed, would still sometimes do and say disagreeable things, even as the most practised surgeon will operate on the dead subject, merely to keep his hand in. Mr. Field no longer interfered: he seemed absorbed in business, and took no notice of what passed in the family, diregarding even Miss Casey, who would talk at him to Mr. Caleb, sometimes as Eli, whose over-indulgence was the ruin of his sons Hophni and Phineas; sometimes as Gallio, who cared for none of these things. But it is not probable that James's change of conduct was, as it ought to have been, the result purely of a wish to do what was right under the circumstances. We fear it would be inconsistent with truth to state that, happening to open his catechism at "my duty towards my neighbour is"-he immediately formed a resolution to carry out the several clauses therein enacted. Alas! in real life changes of character do not take place easily or at once, nor can the effects of a long course of sinning and being sinned against be suddenly effaced from the mind. We find it hard to believe in the perfectly good young persons who act not only in the right way, but from the right motives, in the story-books. We feel sure that Harry and Lucy were not really so enthusiastic about specific gravity; that "Simple Susan" in her own heart never felt amiable towards Attorney Case's daughter, but, on the contrary, was jealous of her being invited to the county ball, and in much triumph at her final coming to grief with the bees; and further, that the real reason why Susan appeared so gentle and good was, that she was secretly attached to Philip (an unpleasantly steady and faultless young man), whom she afterwards married, and so they both lived happily for ever afterwards in one of Prince Albert's model cottages. Yet, from whatever motive, James's conduct did certainly alter for the better. The fact was, that his cousin's example and companionship exercised an all-powerful influence over him. Did he ever feel himself turning pale with anger and ready to break out into passion, as of old, one look from Ellen would still the angry word on his lips. All his endeavours to do right were for her sake. She had shown him kindness, -she, in her pure and generous nature, had accepted him as an equal. This he felt deeply, and resolved, as a point of honour, to be what she thought him to be. For, notwithstanding his strange habits and lonely life, James was a gentleman, and held women in that veneration which 'Pleb," in our day, does not seem to appreciate. And truly, as saith the Roman bard, whom we love to quote (from the Syntax), "to have learned the fine arts faithfully, softens the manners and does not suffer them to be brutal." 66 And this influence Ellen continued to exercise, without troubling herself to speculate as to the exact state of feeling from which it sprung, or to which it might lead. Perhaps it was pleasant to find herself effecting so much apparent good with so little effort. Or it may have interested her to see how much power she could exercise over so stubborn and unpromising a character as that of James Field. Perhaps, too, most young ladies feel flattered when their slightest wishes are so strictly watched and obeyed. This last is, of course, mere theorizing on our part: for "we do not know the whole of things," as has been so profoundly observed by Bishop Butler. And so, from all that has been said of James Field, it will not seem unnatural that his feelings towards his cousin should have gradually as |