threatened to "cry havoc!" was that respecting the boundaries of Acadia, or Nova Scotia. Both nations claimed, by right of treaty, this sterile tract, which would probably have remained unheeded as hitherto, had not the aggression of the French settlers, inciting their local government to take possession, stimulated the English to resistance. "And so," says Mr. Hutton, "two courts, equally ignorant of the science of government, and incompetent to rule the people already under their sway, were only anxious to add to their existing embarrassments, by seizing upon a tract of land of no immediate use to either, and to which neither was justly entitled."

Whatever was the inward determination of the British nation to maintain its rights of preservation, the influences of diplomacy long deferred its open declaration, notwithstanding the fact that all possible preparations were made for the equipment of powerful armaments. Bounties were offered to volunteers, the press-gang was established, and even the gaols were ransacked for recruits. Nevertheless, a whole year passed without any open avowal of hostilities. The occasion is too tempting to escape Mr. Hutton's irony. He says:

"As it frequently happens in this great constitutional country, the English ministry was at this crisis more intent on maintaining itself in office than on conducting the affairs of the state with wisdom and vigour. There were then only two political parties-the Ins and the Outs. The Ins strove to stay in and keep the Outs out-the Outs strove to get in and turn the Ins out. This was held to be the grand problem of government in those days. If the nation was thought of at all, it was merely as the groundwork on which rested the king and his ministers. Occasionally, indeed, the opposition talked of a mythical assembly of individuals, under the title of the people of England, sir.' But while they affected much sympathy and respect for the profanum vulgus, they carefully stood aloof from them."-P. 10.

The financial condition of the country at the crisis was regarded gloomily, and the weight of taxation bitterly complained of, though the national debt was but seventy-two millions, and the expenditure eight millions. Parliamentary grants were at that date comparatively meagre. To meet the exigencies of the government, therefore, state lotteries were resorted to. As it was desired to raise the sum of one million, it was ordered a hundred thousand should be set apart for prizes, and the remaining nine hundred thousand charged on the produce of the sinking fund at the rate of three per cent. per annum. The value of a ticket was originally ten pounds; but these, in order to render them generally available, were subdivided into shares of one-fourth, or one-eighth. Speculators were

a

not wanting, for so great was the eagerness of candidates to invest, that counters were broken down, and several persons were injured in the haste of application to secure chance. During the activity of this expedient, the imposing warlike preparations of the French at Brest gave rise to a panic in men's minds, from the persuasion that an invasion of our island was threatened. This did not interfere, however, with King George's intention to repair to Hanover, though his faithful subjects bitterly protested against the abandonment. Yet not a single member was found in the House amidst that "king-worshipping assembly," to second Lord Powlett's protest against his Majesty's departure. The motion was withdrawn after a tedious speech, the notes of which having been lost by their author, an advertisement to recover them appeared in the journals, suggesting the remark,-" My Lord Powlett has had a stroke of apoplexy; he has lost both his speech and motion." But neither complaints nor speeches could overcome the maladie du pays in the breast of the royal George, who, taking post-chaise, arrived, after a journey of eleven hours, at Harwich-a point of embarkation to which an iron route now wafts us in three!

If the ministry showed indecision, not so the English people, whose enthusiasm for war was unbounded. Companies, magistrates, and private individuals vied in offering rewards to volunteers. One wealthy enthusiast tendered his entire property, with a slight reservation, towards the prosecution of the war; and a patriotic citizen, of humbler rank, proffered the half of his fortune for the same purpose. Money, arms, and ammunition were not wanting, in addition to which, by way of fanning the popular flame, an inundation of bombastic doggrel appeared, which periodicals of any century might blush to own. In the disposition of the popular mind at this juncture, as described by a press writer of the period, Mr. Hutton finds an analogy with a recent national enthusiasm :

"All the polite world are now hurrying to see mock fights, and be regaled on board the Admiral.' Every farm-house swarms with politicians, who lay their heads together for the good of the nation; and at every petty chandler's shop in town, while the half-quarterns of tea are weighed out, the balance of Europe is adjusted."-P. 37.

Public ardour rejoiced in the news of the successful engagement off Newfoundland, of the gallant and chivalric Howe, who, before opening the murderous broadside, generously warned a number of land officers crowding the deck, of their peril, giving them time to retire before the engagement, which

N.S-VOL. III.

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was sharp and fierce, took place. In a letter from an English officer it was stated, "that, M. le Commodore himself, when brought prisoner on board the Dunkirk,' told our brave Captain Howe that he was cruel to engage so very close.""

Though good fortune attended the land operations at the commencement of the campaign, a terrible reverse was in store, in the issue of the expedition under Braddock against Fort Duquesne; the chief fault was chargeable to ministers at home, rather than to the impetuosity and egotism of the general. Braddock's troops disembarked at the least available point; an unnecessary expenditure of £40,000 was thus incurred, involving, moreover, a disastrous delay of six weeks. Neither provisions nor means of transport were attainable. A hundred and fifty waggons, and three hundred horses, with ample supplies, had been promised, but after a long interval, only fifteen waggons and one hundred horses made their appearance, and the provisions were by that time so putrid as to be useless. The benevolence of the philosopher Franklin was of great assistance in the emergency. Five hundred pounds' worth of provisions and wine were sent by him from Philadelphia. But it could not ward off the disastrous results, which, owing in a great measure to administrative incapacity, were met by the English people with murmurs of suppressed indignation; for the legiti mate channel of protestation was not then opened up-the press was comparatively subordinate.

During this chequered fortune of war, while his generals conquered and his subjects fought and suffered, what occupied his Majesty in Hanover? How to secure allies for the protection of his native dominions engrossed his entire consideration. For some years he had paid subsidies of £32,000 and £20,000 to Saxony and Bavaria. But the Elector of the former state had become the ally of France. King George turned to the sheltering power of Hesse Cassel, and the ignoble Hessian treaty was signed. But these petty dealings did not end here. The King, ignorant of the policy of Russia, whose Czarina was at this time actively engaged in machinations with Vienna and Versailles, entered into stipulations with the cabinet of St. Petersburg, and arrangements for mutual service were agreed upon. The news of these treaties naturally incited wrath in the hearts of all true-born Britons. The fury of Pitt was unbounded, and Legge, Chancellor of the Exchequer, actually refused to sign the Treasury warrants, necessary to satisfy the convention with Russia. Yet adulation awaited the English monarch from the less enlightened of his subjects; and a garret laureate was not wanting to invoke the "greatest, best of kings," in a burlesque of an ode

in which servility borders on the profane; the monarch likened to the "sun," and his subject to a Persian who kneeling worships him!

On the opening of Parliament, by the King in person, the subject of the treaties was discussed variously and with an unprecedented warmth and power of eloquence. On one of these occasions it was that William Gerald Hamilton delivered his celebrated "speech," of which it is said: "His voice, manner, and language were most advantageous; his argument sound and pointed, and his command of himself easy and undaunted." But it is a popular error, observes Mr. Hutton, to suppose that this was his only speech, or, indeed, his only good speech. He had already spoken twice on Irish affairs, and, in 1756, had debated with vigour and ability on the subject of sending Swiss troops to America. Philip Stanhope, son of Chesterfield, at this time made his first speech, which, though of average merit, was destined to be his last, owing to an unconquerable nervousness. Henry Legge, too, spoke with great applause; but above all the brilliant bursts of oratory rose the matchless eloquence of Pitt. The observations of Walpole regarding the personal appearance of the three chief orators of the day, quoted in this volume, are interesting. He remarks, that

"Pitt's figure was commanding; Murray's engaging, from a decent openness; Fox's dark and troubled yet the latter was the only agreeable man; Pitt could not unbend; Murray, in private, was inelegant; Fox was cheerful, social, and communicative. In conversation none of them had wit; Murray never had; Fox had in his speeches, from clearness of head, and asperity of argument; Pitt's wit was genuine, not tortured into the service like the quaintness of my Lord Chesterfield. Such is the portraiture of the men whose eloquence," said the same authority, "comprehended all the various powers of art, reasoning, satire, learning, persuasion, wit, business, spirit, and plain common-sense.'

It is interesting to note the conviction expressed by Pitt as to the maintenance of our troops,-"That the standing army should never be less than 18,000 men, based upon a militia at least 50,000 strong.

In the month of March the Parliament received a message from the king, declaring his conviction that a design had been formed by the French to descend upon England; and his resolve, consequently, to augment the land and sea forces; with the intelligence, that, in order to complete these defensive measures, he had applied for a body of Hessian troops to be immediately brought over for the protection of his kingdom.

"It is painful and humiliating to write," says Mr. Hutton, "that the Peers and Commons of England assembled in Parliament, tendered their humble and hearty thanks to his majesty for hiring 8,000 German mercenaries to protect 8,000,000 of bold, free, and independent Britons. Their total force consisted of 8,000 foot, 900 horse, and a train of 114 pieces of artillery."

"It is related of General Isenburgh (the officer of one of these foreign regiments), that never having before beheld the ebb and flow of the tide, he was alarmed at finding his ship gradually leaning over to one side; and summoning his master of the horse, he rated him soundly for upsetting the vessel while landing his animals."— Pp. 97.

Fox, or according to some, Lord George Sackville, not content with the Hessian auxiliaries, petitioned for a body of Hanoverians, and the motion was, indeed, finally carried, though encountering violent opposition from Pitt. These troops speedily arrived; but their service was at some cost to the country, as their pay and expenses were entirely defrayed by the British government; whereas when British soldiers were sent to Hanover, the revenues of the Electorate did not meet their expenditure.

An anecdote, in connexion with these Hanoverians, exhibits strikingly the ill-favour with which public opinion regarded them in this country. One of the soldiers having unintentionally brought away from a shop a piece containing six handkerchiefs when he had paid for only four, was, for this supposed offence, summarily thrown into prison. His commander having applied to the secretary of state for his release, it was granted; when a wail of complaint arose from the people that these military had been brought over to deprive them of their liberty and their property :

"This vulgar and senseless clamour so terrified the imbecile premier that he sent down orders to inflict three hundred lashes on the poor fellow, without even the form of a trial. At a later period of the year the Hessians were compelled to construct huts, large enough to hold sixty men each, with a fire in the centre, because the innkeepers refused to give them quarters, when it was discovered that the magistrates had no power to compel them to do so. Pleasant reminiscences, indeed, must these brave foreigners have carried back to their own country, of English gratitude and hospitality."-Pp. 100.

An illustration occurs, irresistible in its application to the military "system," in other times than 1755. The gallant Major Cunningham, having skilfully conducted the defence against the French at Minorca, was placed for a time in the room of his disabled senior officer; but, instead of the continu