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of the press, and lest the press should fail in its duty, the Committee of the Left Centre are ready to supply the newspapers with a series of ready-made leading articles.

ject in adopting this plan is probably of an economical character. They wish to save the expense of subsidizing a journal of their own. So long as matter is as scarce as it is at this season, these "appreciations" and "indications" will prob The person, however, who is doing most ably be received with gratitude. As soon to make the recess lively is the President as the Assembly meets again, the public himself. According to the Times' Correswill once more be left to learn the course pondent "it appears certain" that M. of the Left Centre from the action of its Thiers is meditating a very decided stepmembers in the Chamber. In announcing forward in the direction of a permanent, the issue of this bulletin of its own politi- as opposed to a provisional, Republic. cal state, the Committee of the Left Cen- The Assembly has always laid great stress tre make some observations of a more sen- upon the fact that it is constituent, and sible character than might have been ex- M. Thiers apparently intends to take it at pected from the occasion which calls them its word. He will allow it to constitute a forth. Eighteen months ago, they say, Second Chamber, and for this Second we despaired of seeing France survive her Chamber, jointly with himself he will claim misfortunes. To-day we see her with the the power of dissolving the Assembly. burden of a foreign occupation almost The ingenuity of this device is considerlifted from her shoulders and her old place able. It will be difficult for the Assembly in the world brought once more within to decline the task assigned to it, for a reher reach. Making allowance for much fusal to give the Executive even so much natural exaggeration, this is not an unfair as a voice in the dissolution of a profesaccount of the change that has come over sedly representative Chamber would be to the country. The burdens under which challenge it to decree a dissolution of its France still labours are so serious that we own mere motion, and trust to the result are tempted to forget that the burdens of the elections for a justification of its which weighed on her in the spring of action. Yet to have the right to dissolve, 1871 were more serious still. It may be a even though it can only be exercised with fallacy to argue from the fact of her Gov- the consent of a Second Chamber, is really ernment being Republican that the gains to have the means of bringing a greatly of the last year and a half are necessarily increased pressure to bear upon the Depdue to the Republic. They might con- uties. In whatever way the Second Chamceivably have been realized under another ber is elected, it is likely to pull with the system. But the mass of men are not lo- President in the matter of a dissolution. gicians, and when they see a conspicuous Even if it is elected by the Assembly from success achieved by a Republic, they will its own numbers, its duration will probbe likely to assume that it could not have ably be regulated on a different principle, been achieved except by a Republic. In- and it will have no personal interest in deed for practical purposes the reasoning prolonging the life of a body to which it is sufficiently accurate; at all events the has no longer any special tie. If it is aphistory of France since the close of the pointed by the Government, M. Thiers war has proved that a Republic is not hos- will certainly take care to nominate memtile to the restoration and development of bers of his own way of thinking. If it is the national forces; and considering how elected by the country, it may be trusted little can be said in favour of any of the to send the Assembly about its business forms of government which it is proposed as soon as the President asks it to do so. to put in place of a Republic, it is the part There is no reason to suppose that M. of ordinary prudence to accept it with Thiers will be in any hurry to exercise contentment, if not with enthusiasm. The the power which will thus be conferred Committee of the Left Centre are evident- on him. But the experience of the last ly a little hurt that M. Thiers should have Session has probably made it clear to him borrowed from them, without acknowledg- that, if his hold over the Assembly were a ment, the phrase "a Conservative Repub- little more visible, it might not be neceslic." They feel, however, that there is sary to tighten it quite so often. In theostill something for the Left Centre to do. ry the power of the Assembly is absolute. M. Thiers has appropriated their formula, The Executive is its creature, and though but it still will remain with those who in- it is nominally responsible to the country, vented it to define its principles, to ex- the fact that it cannot be dissolved deplain its meaning, and to develop its con- prives this responsibility of almost all its sequences. To do all this is the mission value. In practice the power of the As

From The Economist.

A SECOND CHAMBER IN FRANCE.

sembly is exceedingly limited; indeed it ideas call it, an "upper" chamber; but it amounts to little else than freedom to do does not find equal favour with the poliM. Thiers's will with more or less of ill ticians of the grace. The disadvantage of this state of learned from experience the extreme difcontinent. They have things is that it provides M. Thiers with ficulty of constructing a second assembly no means of coercing the Assembly short which shall not clash with the governing of threatening resignation under present circumstances would be impose an effective restraint on its action, a step which body, which shall have power enough to equivalent to a new revolution. This and which shall have the required attrimenace has always. answered M. Thiers's bute of comparative permanence. The purpose, and would probably continue to number of constitutions which have been answer it. But an Assembly over which tried during the last century is very great, the whip has to be publicly waved in this but in only two instances have their fashion is not an institution that reflects framers succeeded in establishing an ef credit on representative government. The fective Upper House. pressure exercised on the Deputies by the Senate, which is representative, but reThe knowledge that if they defy the President presents States and not people, and which American he can appeal to the nation to judge be- shares in the executive power, is probably tween him and them, is not open to this stronger than the House of Representaobjection. All representative bodies are tives; but then the latter body has less liable by the very law of their being to power, prestige, or influence over opinion have the test of a dissolution applied to than any Representative Chamber in the them, and the wish to shrink from it affects world. In conjunction with the President at most the character for sincerity of the and Senate, it controls taxation; but that particular Assembly which betrays it. is very nearly the limit of its effective functions. Prince Bismarck's new Federal Council, composed as it is of representatives from all the Governments and Princes absorbed in Germany, is a very real and powerful body, and could, if need THE statement currently repeated this islation, or assume a very influential inwere, exercise an independent veto on legweek, that M. Thiers intends in November itiative. As a matter of fact, its consent is to ask the Assembly to declare the Repub- usually asked before legislation is proposed lic definitely established, and to pass an to the Reichstag, and the secrecy of its deorganic law, may be premature; but it de- liberations enables it to accept arguments rives support from one or two incidents, which it might be dangerous to produce in such as the manifesto of the Left Centre public. But no other second chamber out that it is entirely in accord with the Presi- of England has ever been a success. The dent, and the announcement that M. Gam-Prussian Herrenhaus has ever since its betta postpones his agitation for a dissolu- creation been tion of the Chamber. If the President the Executive as well as to the Liberals a mere embarrassment to has really decided on this course and se- and to the work of legislation. The Italcured a majority for it, that is precisely ian Senate has never been of the slightest the line which the Left Centre, and M. importance or consideration, has never arGambetta as the leader of the Left might rested legislation, and would disappear in be expected to take. There would be a a Revolution, unrecorded and unnoticed. certain advantage moreover in the defini- No one ever hears of the Austrian Upper tive proclamation of a constitution, and it House, except as receiving occasionally a might be possible, if the representatives diplomatic explanation, nor, though arishave found their electors very decidedly tocratic power is great in Austria, is it exin favour of a Republic, to secure the ne-ercised through this assembly. The House cessary majority. It is however difficult of Peers in France, under Louis Philippe, to believe that an additional piece of information forwarded to the Times that M. Thiers intends to propose the establishment of a second chamber is equally well founded. That idea is a very favourite one with English politicians and correspondents, who indeed seem unable to conceive of a Conservative Republic without a second, or as they, with their English

was a debating club of dignified experts, but it obtained no hold on society, and disappeared in 1848 without a struggle. So also did the Emperor's Senate, though he had accumulated functions and duties upon that body, and though it contained many of the most powerful persons of the Empire, notably Prince Napoleon, whose speeches were events of European interest.

The second chambers which we ourselves upon that subject, and where laws are have invariably bestowed upon our Colo- drawn and passed in a much more comnies, apparently under an idea that a sin- plete and logical form, and effective critigle chamber would be too Republican, have as invariably failed, and during the present elections in the greatest of them all the Canadian Dominion Members of the Council are resigning their seats in order to enter the Lower House.

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cism of the departments is scarcely seriously attempted. The Minister is held responsible for their action, and if he fails or employs bad agents he goes. It is quite certain that no great measure resolved on by the Assembly could be resistThe truth is a second chamber is useless ed by the "Upper" House without danor burdensome, unless it represents some-ger of sudden extinction, and it is as difthing which the popular Assembly does ficult to see what it is to do as to ascernot; and no such something is to betain what it is to represent. found in France. Hereditary importance, Further there is an objection to the creeven if it existed in France, which it does ation of a second chamber in France, not in any sufficient degree, could not be which no one out of France ever notices, recognized in a Republic, and there is and this is that a French Assembly needs nothing else which cannot obtain its full very little restraint or control in the Engweight in the Assembly, unless it be the lish sense - that is, does not require to be City of Paris, which exercises an influence made more Conservative than it is. Any in France entirely out of proportion to its Assembly honestly elected is, in France, representative strength at Versailles. If sure to be dangerously Conservative. It M. Thiers were trying to frame a council may not be Monarchical, but it is certain, which should represent a living, and yet whatever the form of government, to be separate, power in France, the best thing in favour of order, of authority, and of he could do would be to do what for other keeping things very much as they are. reasons would be absurd and impossible Those are the tendencies of the persons -make the representation of Paris a sec- who elect it, and in France more than in ond chamber. If the Conncils-General any other country the representatives reelect the senators, they will either send up flect the opinions of those who elect them, men like those in the Assembly, or men so the watchfulness on that point being, if distinctly "rural" that they will not be anything, a little excessive. It is so strict able to agree with the more powerful body. that whenever a member desires to carry If the departments, on the other hand, anything opposed to the popular will be elect by direct election among some limit- tries to avoid open voting, and whenever ed class, the Senate, or whatever it might secret and open votes are both taken in be called, would be a privileged body, and the Chamber, the open vote is sure to be entirely without restraining power over in accord with the departmental opinion. the nation. It might be possible no doubt The idea that a French Assembly is alto change the Conseil d'Etat with its very ways progressive is an error founded on large executive powers into a second the action of the first National Assembly chamber, and even to make its consent which was elected on a restricted suffrage, necessary to a dissolution; but it is diffi and represented mainly the passionate cult to see what place it is expected to fill hatred of the middle class for the privias a chamber which it does not fill now. leges of the nobles. Since universal sufIf it arrested or modified legislation of its frage was established, French Assemblies own accord, it would soon be both dis- have been decidedly and stupidly Conserliked and despised, and if it acted in uni- vative, nor is there any serious chance of son with the President, it would scarcely a Red election. A second chamber therestrengthen his hands, Frenchmen consider- fore is not required as a drag on the maing it much more natural that the head of chine, and if it is desired to avoid the the Executive should veto a Bill, than that chance of a rash, or silly, or enthusiastic a group of non-representative notables vote, it would be far better to place a susshould veto one. The revision of meas- pensive veto in the hands of the President ures so necessary in this country is not so of the Republic, who is, and under the necessary in France, where a Bill is dis- French government always must be, the cussed first of all in secret by the "bu- most responsible, the most serious, and reau," that is the committee best informed the most influential person in the State.

REALISM OF THE STAGE. A reference to the weekly iodical, The World, of Fe

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ich number, by the way, was written by Horace Walpole will mish another prof the many that have gone before, that there is nothing new under the sun, and that th a tendency in nature, human as well as inani mate, to reproduce itself. It has generally been supposed that the realism of the stage, which has met with such severe condenation on hands during the past few years, is a modern innovation. That such is not the case, let the following extract from the foregoing fly-saeet bear witness:

"The improvement of nature which I had in view alluded to those excellent exhibitions of the animal or [sic, ? and] inanimate parts of the creation which are furnished by the worthy philosophers Rich and Garrick the latter of whom has refined on his competitor; and, having perceived that art was become so perfect that it was necessary to mimic it by nature, he has happily introduced a cascade of real water. I know that there are persons of a systematic turn who affirm that the audience are not delighted with this beautiful waterfall from the reality of the element, but merely because they are pleased with the novelty of anything that is out of its proper place. Thus they tell you that the town is charmed with a genuine cascade upon the stage, and was in raptures last year with one of tin at Vauxhall. But this is certainly prejudice. The world, though never sated with show, is sick of fiction; and I foresee the time when delusion [illusion] will not be suffered in any part of the drama.'

Then come a series of ludicrous instances illustrating, in a vein of excellent raillery, the necessity of a stricter adherence to nature (realism) on the stage: such as the brick-kiln, which did not smell like one; the introduction of very personable geese by Mr. Cibber; the impersonator of Alexander, who forgot himself in the heat of conquest so far as to stick his sword in one of the pasteboard stones of the wall of the town, and bore it in triumph before him; the performer who was injured by the edge of a wave running into his side on his falling, whereas "the worst that could happen to him in the present state of things would be drowning."

Melun, wounded to death, exhorts the English
to fly, informing them of the treachery of Lew-
is, and when Salisbury doubtingly asks --

Melun refers to his approaching death as a rea-
May this be possible? may this be true?
son why he should speak the truth, saying-
"Have I not hideous death within my view,
Retaining tut a quantity of life,

Which bleeds away, even as a form of wax
Resolveth from his figure 'gainst the fire?
What in the world should make me now de-
ceive,

Since I must lose the use of all deceit?
Why should I then be false, since it is true
That I must die here and live hence by truth?"?

Shakespeare may have taken this sentiment from the following passage in the Euphues of Lyly:

"When my lady came, and saw me so altered in a moneth, wasted to the harde bones, more lyke a ghoast then a lyving creature, after many words of comfort (as women want none about sicke persons) when she saw opportunitie, she asked me whether the Italian were my messenger, or if he were, whether his embassage were true, which question I thus answered

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Lady, to dissemble with the worlde, when I am departing from it, woulde profite me nothing with man, and hinder me much with God; to make my deathbed the place of deceipt, might hasten my death, and encrease my daunger.'

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In these passages Shakespeare and Lyly express the same sentiment in similar language. Notes and Queries,

Beside

THE Garden calls attention to the great value of the Island of Jamaica as a tropical garden. Its oranges, pine-apples, bananas, limes, lime juice, cocoa-nuts, and other such products, could not be surpassed in quality, and might be cultivated to any imaginable extent. all this, the soil and climate are eminently suitable to the growth of precious drugs and plants. Bark is raised easily, the cinchona plantation being in a most satisfactory state. Then there are hemp and China grass of excellent quality, nor would any arrowroot be superior to that of The essay concludes with a good story of a Jamaica if it were but more carefully prepared "celebrated confectioner who, having prepared for market. Here, it will be said, is a noble a middle dish of gods and goddesses eighteen prospect for the colony. True, but it is a prosfeet high, complained of his lord. "Imaginez-pect only. Not until the very last returns is vous," said he, " que milord n'a pas voulu faire ôter le plafond ”—“ Figure to yourself my lord's refusal to demolish the ceiling." Notes and Queries.

J. S. DK.

THE DEATH OF COUNT MELUN.In Shakespeare's King John, Act V. Sc. 4, the Count

there shown any "tendency to the development of new industries requiring little capital and no extraordinary skill." It is the old story," minor articles" are neglected, though they are the very articles which are wanted, and which the colonists could send. However, Jamaica is fortunate in having a Governor in Sir J. P. Grant, who can discern the true capabilities of the island, and the true place for its industry in the markets of the world.

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2. OFF THE SKELLIGS. By Jean Ingelow. Part XVI., Saint Pauls,

3. DEVELOPMENT IN DRESS,

4. THE BURGOMASTER'S FAMILY; OR, WEAL AND WOE
IN A LITTLE WORLD. By Christine Müller.
Translated from the Dutch by Sir John Shaw
Lefevre. Part II.,

5. AN EPISODE IN THE TRIAL OF THE EARL OF STRAF-
FORD,

** Title and Index to Volume CXIV.

Edinburgh Review,

771

786

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