HARVARD UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

Copyrighted by

CHARLES A. LINDBERGH

1917

WATER UNION COUNCIL 4

NATIONAL CAPITAL PRESS, INC., WASHINGTON, D. C.

To Readers: Materially connected with the conditions as they exist now, is my book bearing the title, "Banking and Currency and The Money Trust," published 1913, in which is the following prefatory

statement:

The market prices of commodities vary from day to day and often several times a day. This occurs when there is no radical difference in the proportion of supply and the natural demands. This fact is conclusive proof that our system is controlled by manipulators and is fundamentally wrong. I have sought to elucidate this problem within this volume and have suggested a plan which, if adopted, would make the people themselves master of the world, instead of the present master-The Money Trust.

What I predicted in the book above referred to is now taking place. The "press" controlled by "big business" at the time of the publication of that book, attacked me savagely for predicting dire results from the "big business" system. We now have what I then said we would have. I make no claim to magic knowledge. On the contrary, any attempt to say what the future will bring, I maintain would be a folly unless it is based upon facts that inevitably lead to certain things. There are facts that do that, and it is upon such facts that I published that book, and now again. publish this new book, widening the scope of consideration by taking additional subjects. The former book is cloth bound, has 318 pages, and will be sent to an address postage prepaid for $1.00. Its contents are as important now as when written, and immensely more interesting because of the subsequent develop

ments.

Charles A. Lindbergh, P. O. Address, either Little Falls, Minnesota, or Washington, D. C.

INTRODUCTORY

All that I ask of readers of this book is that they give it hospitable consideration. We of this particular time-now-have the most important economic problems that were ever actively presented to be solved. To a greater extent than ever before, the world presents the failure in some respects of the existing civilization. Failure must be acknowledged as a fact. No one can question that the old order of things is what has run us off the track," and that a new plan of things must be worked out.

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I believe that I am as patriotic as any one. To be that implies bias in favor of my own country. I admit that I look upon the United States as the best, but that does not preclude me, a sovereign citizen from looking the truth in the face and objecting to many things that take place, if I believe them wrong. I realize also, that to depart from the ordinary practices of enthusing over some things that we have habitually enthused on, and that in addition to that failure, to state truths about certain things that are practiced by a certain "inner circle," invites unfeeling criticism to be heaped upon me by those who defend what herein I shall assail. Let that be whatever it may be, this little volume presents facts and arguments on things as they are.

It is not the war which furnishes us with the largest problems to solve, but it is the conditions and things that existed before the war and that caused us to enter the war, that we must solve. If we do not they will continue and be even worse after the war and furnish cause for later wars. Incidentally we must consider several things, among them the following:

Claiming it as a fact that ours is the best of the existing governments and that the basis for the grandest opportunities exist here, in spite of those truths, do we have the advantages that our "continental conditions" make it practical for us to have?

I conclusively prove herein that we do not, and I have outlined a simpler and less expensive plan that could be made effective without delay that would give us' the advantages that its conditions justify.

Why is our country at war and how does it happen that already some of the best citizens have gone and that great numbers are about to be sent to the battlefields in Europe to kill and be killed?

Trespass upon our rights on the high seas makes our cause just, still I do not claim that it was wise to enter the war. I believe the problem could have been settled without war or sacrifice of national honor, the same as we expect to adjust the trespass upon our rights to the high seas by other nations. Our purpose is humane, nevertheless I believe that I have proved that a certain "inner circle," without official authority and for selfish purposes, adroitly manuevered things to bring about conditions that would make it practically certain that some of the belligerents would violate our international rights and bring us to war with them.

To what extent shall we prosecute the war?

Our highest representative is Congress and the President. Whether we believe their official acts right or not in this matter, we must support them with all our power. There are two sides involved internationally, and we are for America. Whether in battle, in industry or elsewhere-everywhere and wherever really needed or required, we will respond patriotically.

Up to the time of taking official action, it is our right as sovereign citizens to direct Congress and the President and to have them act as our servants to put