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into effect our demands. We should never surrender our sovereign right to petition or otherwise properly influence either Congress or the President. We should spurn as contemptible to the idea of democracy the oft-heralded statement of “Stand by the President," in the sense of its present frequent use because it is too often used as a guise to deceive.

We should stand by the President and Congress as well, in the execution of their official duties, but until their acts become law, it is our right to direct them as we believe right and to determine their authority. Even after they have officially acted, we are still at liberty to seek to have officially undone what has officially been done that is, to change and officially amend. There is much which they have done that should be repealed or amended. Any attempt under the guise of war or otherwise to prevent this being done in the legal way is revolutionary, and invites revolution in opposition

Is the social and business policy of our country such that it is impossible for the masses to secure their industrial rights?

I prove herein that it is impossible.

Do the dominant political parties still serve the purposes that originated them and if not why not?

This is discussed from the practical application of the relation of things that are to the relation of things that clearly would be if we had made the best of our continental opportunities.

What are the influences that prevent a fulfillment of the best purposes of our nation with the continental advantages that we possess?

This and the previously stated and incidental problems, form the basis on which this volume was written. I have reduced the size of the book on purpose to have it suitable to be carried in the pocket to be studied at

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spare moments and to loan to friends and to be enlarged upon by all readers through their own experiences.

I realize, of course, that at this time it is impossible 'for

any one to discuss impartially the facts that have grown up out of the war without being charged with being either pro-German or Pro-British according to the temperment of the critic. It is impossible according to the big press to be a true American unless you are pro-British. If you are really for America first, last and all the time, and solely for America and for the masses primarily, then you are classed as proGerman by the big press which are supported by the speculators. In the discussion of all subjects in this volume, it is my aim to impartially state the truth, whether it favors pr disfavors England, Germany or even America itself for I have never been able to take the view that we should even deceive ourselves as to our own American faults in order to become true Americans. Of course I shall avoid the discussion of any subject that might give any satisfaction to our military foe.

Chapter VI is a departure from the regular-a dialogue-to emphasize a condition.

I had, before beginning this, already prepared the manuscript for another book, but before going to print, war was declared. I believe now that, under all the circumstances I prefer to print that following the establishment of peace.

CHARLES A. LINDBERGH.

CHAPTER II POSSESSION OF THE EARTH- -WHAT FOR? We-mankind, yes, that is it: This is our earth. There is no one else to claim it. If there was we would contest the claim. We even contest it as between each other. It is not exclusively my earth, but my rights are as great as those of any other, and their rights are equal to mine, and equal to each other. Thus we all come out in the same half bushel so far as our abstract rights are measured. Mankind-yes, if any one else, beast or whatever it might be, made a claim to the earth we would contest the claim. Why? Because we need it and we claim it for ourselves. No other body, however, has made a claim, and as too all other kinds, mankind is in the undisputed possession.

My rights stop where your rights begin, and yours stop where mine begin. Everybody's rights stop where the other body's rights begin. Still there rages a frightful conflict-nothing so appalling in dealing death and destruction has occurred since the creation of man.

Who is it then, that is claiming the other fellow's rights? I see—it is mixed: Some claim the other fellow's rights and are fighting to possess his advantages; some have trampled down the other fellow and already possess his belongings; some trespass; some defend-some claim the right to rule and dominate the others, and the others deny the right—all in this mighty conflict that threatens the destruction of the major portion of mankind, and if spared from that, be reduced to abject industrial slavery, unless we reason, rather than follow mere naked impulse to guide us.

How did all this hell come about? Can it be crushed, so peace, good will and universal prosperity may be restored? As to that see the subsequent chapters.

Mr. William W. Clay, of Chicago, Ill., is the author of the following, setting into poetry Chapter II above.

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I hear the din
That drowns HIS answer out;
The battle shout--The cannon's roar
The howl from Hell
Demanding blow for blow
And cursing me who thinks not so.

I see below
Where devils line the way
From Hellespont to Hellespeak.
I see them grin;
I see them prance about;
I see them revel in hell's heat.

Onward they come;
Mephisto in the lead,
Waving the skull and bones on high.
Near is his hand:
Close to my throat his touch;
Oh God! Hold off that dreadful clutch.

I see above:
I see the angels' tears:
I see them gaze in anxious fear.
I see HIM there;
I see HIS blood stained cross;
I see HIS saddened soul's despair.

I see -and yet
Betrayed and crucified,
In agony of soul HE weeps;
While all about
The shouts of frenzied men
Ring out their hideous cry for war.
WHAT FOR? WHAT FOR?

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