CONCLUSION.

IN travelling from port to town, and from town to village; from hall to rooms, and from rooms to cellars, the only object of sincere observation I think is man. To learn what is man, this strange contradictive, inconsistent being man. Could you congregate the millions that inhabit this globe, so sure as you would not find two faces exactly to correspond, so sure would you not find two men whose views, aims, and ends were exactly the same on any subject; and yet we are continually persecuting our neighbours with our sword, our tongue, or our pen, because he cannot see as we see, into the same subject. I have visited the hall's of the noble, and the cellars of the simple. I have dined in the parlour with the great, and in Billingsgate lunch among fish-women. On the sea, in the ship; on the land, in the carriage. I find them all the same incomprehensible mortals-thinking one thing and speaking another-professing one thing and practising another. On the continent, nearly one half of the population is composed of soldiers, priests, monks, friars, Jesuits and beggars. In England they have noblemen and gentlemen in abundance-bishops, curates, rectors and deans, soldiers and parish paupers; in fact the poor

laws have turned every parish into a sort of public almshouse. In Scotland they have bishops, curates, &c.; but then they stand on their own foundation. They are the same there as other dissenters; the people are not compelled to pay them, neither have they any poor rates; those who are sick or destitute, are supported in alms-houses; those who are lazy, are shut up in correction houses and compelled to work. In Ireland they are oppressed with priests, poverty, ignorance, and tithes.

With regard to governments, those arbitrary monarchs who dispose of men's lives, persons, and property at their pleasure-they are contrary to reason, religion, or common sense; and such are most of those on the continent. But the government of Britain, were it free from the shackles and burthens of the church, is in many respects better than our own; at least I have a right to think so, in this country of free thinking and free speaking. In Britain, the lives, persons, and property of men are as well protected by law as they are in this country; and probably property is better protected-for there property, to a certain extent, is represented here it is not. Here the votes of the pauper puts the men into office, who tax, assess, cut up and divide your property, while they have nothing to tax and nothing to pay. This may be law, but it is not equity. In Britain they have a new king made to their hand every twenty, thirty, or fifty years, (George III. reigned fifty,) but in America we have a new king to make every four years. To be sure the salary of the British king is very great-greater, perhaps, than all the officers of our civil government put together; but then the trouble and expense of making our kings so frequently, more than counterbalances to the country all the expense of the British kings.

In this country, as soon as we have one king placed on the throne (knowing his reign will be short) we commence making a new one immediately. Then all the electoral colleges, from east to west, from north to south, are put in motion-meetings every week, in some places every night, in every town, village, hamlet, district, city, and ward on the continent. One million of men, at the least calculation, are employed three hours every night in the year, (Sabbath not excepted by many,) some making tickets, some forging lies, some making speeches, and some forging slander, and many, very many, getting drunk. Now only think of this, one million of men three hours per night. One man's time is worth twelve and a half cents per hour. Now calculate this, and you will find that our king costs a vast deal more expense to us than the king of England costs his people. But this is not all; this is only the beginning of trouble-for all the lies, slanders, speeches, tickets, handbills, and showbills are yet to be printed. New newspapers are set up by each party-the printer must be paid, the editor must be paid, the bill-sticker must be paid, and there too is the tavern-keeper, he must be paidand his is a heavy bill, because each party hire men and give them money to fill others drunk, provided they will vote for their ticket; and even members of temperance societies will give money to buy drink for others, (though they may not drink themselves,)-for in election week, men think they may do what they please, and say what they please. Now see what a vast amount of time and money is here lost. I have known one gentleman subscribe $500 for his own hand to support the election of his party. Were we able to ascertain all those sums of money spent at elections, I

do think we would find that a new president costs as much as a new king; besides there is the unhappy spirit of contention which never stops, and every year seems to grow hotter-families are divided, brethren are separated-towns, cities and villages are divided against themselves. If our next door neighbour refuses to think as we think, we will not hire his cart, we will not buy his boots or his shoes, his bread or his beer, his soap or his candles; in short, we would starve him to death because he differs from us in opinion; and this is what we call supporting the freedom of speech and liberty of thinking.

In some parts of Europe, when they read our journals, and see them filled the year round with election meetings, they think we do little else in America but make kings, priests, and presidents.

APPENDIX.

A WORD to the critic and I have done. I hold them all (as WASHINGTON told the democrats) as a set of self-created blockheads,* meddling with other people's

I think it was in 1794, in his opening speech to Congress that WASHINGTON, speaking of the whiskey mobs and unsettled state of the country, assigned as a cause the formation of Tammany and Democratic Societies. He called them self-created societies. The bucktails never got over this. (The wigwam in those days was kept by Martling, on the spot where the Tract Society house now stands.) Runners were sent out; the council fires were lighted that same night; citizen Mooney was Grand Sachem; long talks were made, and Washington denounced. One imported patriot, just six months from Donnochadee, in his republican wrath, styled WASHINGTON a hoary headed traitor! Yes, gentlemen, these ears of mine heard this. There were some hundreds of Americans in the room. I wondered they did not pull the potatoe head from his shoulders. But foreigners then, as well as now, ruled the country. There was citizen Genet, the sans culotte ambassador, appealing from the American government to the mobites. This man, supported by American and imported patriots, was trying to jerk the reigns from the hands of him who but lately reigned in his stately stead to receive the sword of Cornwallis.

WASHINGTON had hard work with the democrats in those days.