The exertions of Humane Societies, to devise means and encourage exertions to save the lives of individuals, when exposed to perish, are truly laudable. They have awarded premiums of considerable value to men who exposed their own lives to imminent perils to save others from a watery grave. Yet perhaps many worthy members of such societies, influenced by the delusions of custom and hostile passions, have been the promoters of neediess wars, which occasioned the untimely death of half a million of their brethren--and perhaps half of these were their own countrymen! Is it not then wonderful that men of humane dispositions can be so solicitous, in time of peace, to save the life of one man, and yet, in time of war, can sacrifice the lives of myriads without pity and without remorse ! The power of delusion must be great which can dispose worthy men to act a part so inconsistent, and so repugnant to the feelings and dictates of philanthropy. We freely admit, that it is laudable for men to associate, for devising and executing means to save individuals, who may be exposed to perish by the natural elements, water, wind, or fire ; but can it be less important to save men from perishing by the hurricanes of human lusts and passions? Two things have operated as obstacles to a union for this purpose. Wars, like tornadoes or earthquakes, have been regarded as unavoidable by human. exertions; and, to the disgrace of our species, it has hitherto been deemed more glorious" to destroy men's lives than to save them!" Hence the greatest murderers have been the most honored men of our race! But it is an undeniable fact, that the wars of men result from human opinions and human volitions. They must, therefore, be subject to human control. Let opinion be corrected; let the prevention of wars and fighting become the object of human ambition and praise, as hostile and desolating enterprises have heretofore been, then wars will soon cease to the ends of the earth. For this purpose, let all benevolent men unite; let those honors which have been conferred on the destroyers of men's lives, be in future bestowed on those who shall save them,--and let the robberies and mur. ders licensed by princes, be regarded with as much abhorrence as is now felt towards the unlicensed depredations or homicides of freebooters, bucaniers, and assassins. Rulers will then soon perceive, that national controversies can be adjusted without a resort to the barbarian's tribunal. But as long as Christians shall be educated in the belief, that the works of military murder, rapine, and devastation, are more worthy of praise than works of justice, humanity, and beneficence, and so long as the horrid atrocities of pirates are deemed necessary, just, and honorable, when licensed or perpetrated by Christian rulers; so long it may be expected that wars will frequently ravage the countries of Christendom, and of the world.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM A FRIEND.

I have never been more clearly sensible than of late, that the cause of Peace is the cause of Christ; and that all who are properly engaged in the work of peace are engaged in the cause of Christ. His work was to bring man into peace with his Maker-peace with his own conscience-peace with his fellow-men in the truth. And just so far as his spirit does prevail, just so far will war be done away. Where war prevails, there Christianity does not where Christianity prevails, war cannot.

I feel thankful for the increasing light that is spreading among mankind on this subject, and I bless in my feelings all who are properly engaged in the good work. I know their cause is the cause of truth, and must eventually succeed. I do believe the time is approaching that men will every where see that they must renounce all pretences to Christianity or renounce war. An anecdote occurs to my mind, which, may be you have seen, but it is so pleasing to me I will transcribe it.

"The celebrated and pious John Wesley, in the course of his voyage to America, hearing an uncommon noise in the cabin of Gen. Oglethorpe, Governor of Georgia, with whom he sailed, stepped in to inquire the cause of it; on which the General immediately addressed him- Mr. Wesley, you must excuse me, I have met with a provocation too serious to bear. You know the only wine I drink is Cyprus, and it agrees with me the best of any, I therefore provided myself with several dozen of it, and this villain, Grinaldi, (his foreign servant, who was present and almost dead with fear) has drank up the whole of it. But I will be revenged on him. I have ordered him to be tied hand and foot, and to be carried to the man-of-war, that sails with us. The rascal should have taken care how he used me so, for I never forgive! Then I hope, Sir,' said Wesley, looking very calmly at him, 'you never sin.' The General was confounded at the reproof, and putting his hand in his pocket, drew out a bunch of keys which he threw at Grinaldi, saying,' there, villain! take my keys, and behave better for the future."""

P. S.

DYING SPEECH OF A MURDERER.

"GEORGE MANLY, a murderer, was executed at Wicklow, in Ireland, 1738. Having behaved in a strange and undaunted manner, he made the following curious speech at the tree:"My friends, you assemble to see-what?-a man take a leap into the abyss of death. Look, and you shall see me go with as

much courage as Curtius, when he leaped into the gulf to save his country from destruction. What, then, will you see of me? You say, that no man without virtue can be courageous. You'll say, I have killed a man: Marlborough killed his thousands, and Alexander his millions. Marlborough, and Alexander, and many others, who have done the like, are famous in history for great men, but I killed one solitary man! aye, that's the case; I killed one solitary man! I am a little murderer, and must be hanged. Marlborough and Alexander plundered countries-they were great men. I ran in debt with the ale wife--I must be hanged! Now, my friends, I have drawn a parallel between two of the greatest men that ever lived, and myself; but these were men of former days. Now I'll speak a word of some of the present days. How many men were lost in Italy and upon the Rhine, during the last war, for setting a king in Poland? But both sides could not be in the right-they were great men; but I killed a solitary man-I'm a little fellow. The king of Spain takes our ships, plunders our merchants, kills and tortures our men, but what of all that? What he does is good-he's a great man-he is clothed in purple-his instruments of murder are bright and shining, mine was but a rusty gun-and so much for comparison. Now I would fain know, what authority there is in scripture for a rich man to murder, to plunder, to torture, and ravage whole countries; and what law it is that condemns a poor man to death for killing a solitary man, or for stealing a solitary sheep to feed his family. But bring the matter closer to our country. What is the difference between running in a poor man's debt, and by the power of gold, or any other privilege, preventing him from obtaining his right, and clapping a pistol to a man's breast, and taking from him his purse? Yet the one shall thereby obtain a coach, and honors, and titles, &c.—the other, what?—a cart and a rope. From what I have said, my brethren, you may, perhaps, imagine I am hardened; but believe me, I am fully convinced of my follies, and acknowledge the just judgment of God has overtaken me. I have no hopes but from the merits of my Redeemer, who I hope will have mercy on me, as he knows murder was far from my heart, and what I did was through rage and passion, being provoked thereto by the deceased. Take warning, my dear comrades. Think! O think! what would I not now give, that I had lived another life!"

THE FIELD OF BATTLE.

"The sun had disappeared beneath the flood,
The watchful sentinels with weary tread,
Measured the waning of the day of blood,
And careless trod among the unburied dead.

The grass is wet, but not with wholesome dew,
Its verdure blushes deep with human gore,
And friends and foes promiscuously strew
This silent bed, at enmity no more.
How few of all who met with deadly zeal,
Knew well the causes of conflicting pride!
Ah, fewer still could personally feel,

The hatred which had laid them side by side!
I pity such by hard condition led,

To be the passive instruments of power;
Who sell their lives and liberty for bread,
To satisfy the cravings of an hour.

No one so mean of all the brave who die,
But calls some sympathizing sorrow forth;
Small is the share of grief that meets the eye,—
Unnoticed falls the tear for humble worth.
Few see the father bending o'er the son,
The sole sad prop on which his age depended;
The helpless widow wandering alone,
And thousand houseless orphans unbefriended!
O could the wail of orphans reach his ear,
Or could he feel a parent's agony,

And see the widowed mother's helpless tear,
The sure and dreadful price of victory;

O could the ambitious once approach and view,
The desolation his ambition made,

Methinks some milder method he'd pursue,
And quit forever war's unhallowed trade.
O when shall justice guide, and wisdom light,
And mercy to the great her rays impart !
A splendid victory proves no conqueror right,
And worlds can never heal one broken heart.
What is a nations Honor, if the price
Is individual peace and happiness?
And what is Glory, if her temple rise
Upon the base of national distress!
Then if the certain fruits of war be wo,
And the destruction of domestic bliss,
Ungathered let the warrior's laurels grow,
They must be poisonous in a soil like this."

We received the above lines in the form we have inserted them, with the signs of quotation; but who was their author, and whether they have been before published, are questions we are unable to answer.

DEATH OF THE EMPEROR ALEXANDER.

On the 1st of December 1825, the Emperor Alexander closed his earthly career,-an admonition to men of every rank, that death may arrest them at an unexpected hour. The news of this event excited a variety of fears and hopes,-fears in many that the peace of Europe would soon be interrupted, and hopes in some that the successor of Alexander would commence hostilities on the Turks in favor of the Greeks-a step which, in its consequences, might involve half the nations of the world in a sanguinary conflict. Since Nicholas has been proclaimed Emperor, he has announced the intention of maintaining the friendly relations formed by his brother, and of pursuing the same policy for the preservation of peace. This avowal has diminished the fears and hopes which were excited by the death of Alexander.

Very different opinions have been entertained of the deceased monarch, since he published the Holy Alliance. This might naturally have been anticipated, from the unusual form of that League, and from the diversity of interests, passions, and prejudices which existed in Russia, and among the many nations with which she was connected. In our own country, what contradictory opinions have been entertained and expressed, of the character and policy of each of the Presidents of the United States! Similar to this has been the influence of party and prejudice in all countries. The probability is, that Alexander fared like a President of the United States, having his worth overrated by one party and undervalued by another. His consenting to the unpopular-and and as we believe unchristian policy of the Austrian invasion of Naples, and the French invasion of Spain, ought, perhaps, to be imputed principally to his dread of another Revolutionary hurricane like that of the French ;-which, in its progress and consequences, shook to their foundations all the governments of Europe, caused the destruction of several millions of men, and filled the world with dismay. There were doubtless many things in the conduct of Alexander which may justly be censured, but our own government and the governments of Europe, have been impressed with the idea, that his policy was pacific, and that he aimed to prevent the recurrence of European wars. In the instructions of our government to our Minister in Russia, May 1825, which have been recently published, and which had for their object to persuade the Emperor to exert his influence with the King of Spain, to put an end to the war between Spain and her American colonies, Alexander's "devotion to peace" is particularly mentioned, and it is expressly said, that "no power has displayed more solicitude for the repose of the world than Russia."

See Mr. Clay's letter to Mr. Middleton.