AUSPICIOUS REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR.

"From our happy position in regard to Europe, and from the no less fortunate relations maintained with our neighbors, and their actual condition, it would appear that keeping up a system of the militia so extensive as the present, and burthensome, without any advantage to a large class of our citizens, was altogether unnecessary. A different organization, therefore, by which at least a million and a half of our most useful citizens would be relieved from the unprofitable pageantry of military parade, for five or six days in the year, constituting so injurious a draft on their industry, must be one which cannot fail to be well received by the American people."

The

We have failed of seeing any more of the Report than has now been given from the Christian Mirror. But this extract is more in the spirit of a Peace Office than a War Office. opinion has for many years been gaining ground, that our militia system is worse than merely useless, that it is positively oppressive and injurious. It was, however, hardly expected that the opinion would be so early and so explicitly avowed by the Secretary of War. To relieve "at least a million and a half of our most useful citizens from the unprofitable pageantry of military parade, for five or six days in the year,' will indeed be abating an enormous tax, which has been borne more by the poor than the rich for half a century. So injurious a draft on their industry," must have been severely felt by many hundred thousands of our citizens; and a tax so great, apportioned without any regard to the wealth or the poverty of the subjects, had it been levied for other than military purposes, would long ago have been resented and resisted, as much more unjust than the stamp duties, which Britain attempted to impose on our country. But the "draft on the industry" of our citizens, has been far less "injurious," than the "draft" on their virtues and their morals. To the demoralizing influence of this system, thousands of officers, and tens of thousands of soldiers may ascribe in a great degree the ruin of their characters, their property, and the peace of their families. To this source, more than to almost any other, may be attributed the abounding of intemperance and dissipation, so much lamented in our country. It is therefore hoped that the sentiment of the Secretary will be sanctioned by Congress, and "well received by the American people."

THE PERUVIAN INCA.

While Spanish hordes went on to slay
The tribes of South America,

They took an Inca, Chief or King-
Him to Pizarro's court they bring.

They promised life for heaps of gold;
When these were brought, he still was told,
That he must die. Him to prepare,
A Roman Priest assumed the care.

He strongly urged the Pagan Chief
To give assent to his belief;
As a reward, he promised heaven
Should on such terms be surely given.
The Inca asked-with meaning face,
"Are any Spaniards in that place?"
"Undoubtedly," the Priest replied,
"All who in our belief have died."

The King rejoined, "If it be so,
Upon my word, I will not go
Where one of that inhuman crew
Can find a place-not even you!"

Ye Christians, hear! and boast no more
Of your religion, stained with gore;
Reflect--and ere abroad you roam,
Effect a due reform at home.

ROBERTSON.

MAGNANIMITY OF PHOCION.

When news came to Athens that Philip was dead,
Who long had been its fue,

The people a day of rejoicing proposed,
But Phocion said "Not so-

For nothing evinces more meanness of soul,
Or more unmanly breath,

Than public rejoicings or festival days,
When foes depart by death."

Let Christians remember this Pagan remark,
So humane, just, and wise,

And cease to exult in an enemy's fall,
As what the good despise.

PLUTARCH.

PACIFIC PRINCIPLES A SHIELD IN TIME OF CIVIL WAR.

THE happy effects of pacific sentiments, for seventy years in Pennsylvania, have often been mentioned. From a friend in England we have recently received a duodecimo volume of 208 pages, entitled, "The Principles of Peace exemplified in the Conduct of the Society of Friends in Ireland, during the Rebellion of the Year 1798. By Thomas Hancock, M. D.” This little work has been perused with pleasure, and we hope it will be reprinted in this country. The author is a physician in London, a member of the Society of Friends, and a Corresponding Secretary of the Peace Society. If some wealthy gentlemen of the Society of Friends in the United States, should reprint this book, they would do honor to themselves and to their Society, as well as confer a favor on other denominations of Christians.

In the book before us, the salutary and saving effects of the principles of peace, under the most trying circumstances, are illustrated by facts. The state of the Irish people during the rebellion of 1798 was truly distressing and terrible. The insurgents were very numerous; the parties were exceedingly exasperated against each other, and havoc and desolation overspread the land. At that period, the Society of Friends, in considerable numbers, were scattered over three provinces, and were placed in the most perilous situations. Their consciences would not permit them to fight, and they were of course exposed to the jealousy and the rage of the contending parties, as they in succession ravaged the counties where the Friends resided. While the storm was gathering, instead of imitating their neighbors by procuring arms, they destroyed such guns and other instruments of death as any of them happened to possess," to prevent their being made use of to the destruction of our fellow creatures, and more fully to support their Christian testimony in these perilous times."

By each of the hostile parties, some of the Friends were often threatened with immediate death, if they would not join in the war. Still they refused, and even openly travelled to considerable distances to attend their religious meetings, while exposed to the rage of hostile bands. Though they refused to fight on either side, they afforded relief to the distressed of both parties; and by both parties the houses of the Friends were resorted to as asylums, or places of safety. Men of Vol. IV. No. 11.

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each party would blame and menace the Friends, for their humanity towards the distressed of the other party. This impartial kindness, however, though it was resented by some of both parties, secured the favor of others, and operated, on the whole, to secure the Friends from harm.

Dr. Hancock relates many remarkable instances in which the Friends were preserved and the designs of their enemies frustrated. At one place, the insurgents threatened that "they would burn the Quakers in their place of worship the next meeting day;" yet when that day came, many of these people were "actually assembled about the doors and windows of the meeting-house, as a place of safety to themselves, and remained there till the meeting concluded, and the Friends had withdrawn." In an hour of peril a Catholic priest ran to borrow a Friend's coat to disguise himself. A Protestant minister requested a similar favour. In the early period of the war, both parties were highly incensed against the Quakers, and threatened their extirpation; but before the war was over, both parties seem to have respected them, as friends from whom they had nothing to fear, whose lives they were disposed to preserve, and to whom they might look for favor in distress.

After the war was over, the Yearly Meeting held in Dublin, in an epistle to the Yearly Meeting of Philadelphia, had the happiness to state, in reference to the civil war," that no member of our Society fell a sacrifice in that way but one young man." As one Quaker and one only perished during the rebellion, Dr. Hancock supposed that every one must be "curious to know under what circumstances the death of this individual took place." He then says, "This young man, apprehending that his life was in danger, and that he could find no protection but by outward means of defence, took up the resolution accordingly to put on a military uniform, and to associate with armed men. He told his connexions that they would all be murdered, if they remained in such a defenceless state in the country-he fled to a garrison town,-that very town was attacked and taken by the insurgents, he was discovered and put to death!" It is truly remarkable that, of the thousands of Quakers in Ireland during the rebellion, the only one who armed to fight in self defence, was the only one who fell by the hand of violence.

These questions naturally occur;-are we to regard the remarkable preservation of the Quakers, in that year of peril,

as the natural effect of a consistent display of the pacific spirit? or are we to ascribe it to the special interposition of Heaven in favor of a people, who, in obedience to Divine precepts, forbore to fight, and placed their hope in God? These questions may afford a profitable topic for discussion in a future Number. We shall now only say, that, in either view of the subject, the principles of peace are strongly recommended, as affording far more security than the principles of war, or the preparations for hostile defence.

THE MILITIA SYSTEM.

Abridged from the Christian Mirror, for Oct. 6, 1826.

THE annual return of trainings, musters, and reviews, recalls to our mind the often asked, and never answered question-Cui bono?-What is the use of this annual expenditure of money, time, and morals? When nearly all the world are at peace, and seem, at length, to have wisdom enough to wish to remain so, what is the use of stirring up a martial, fighting, parading spirit in our youth, already sufficiently inclined to braggadocio, and vain glory?

Is it to "repel invasion," when happily there is scarcely a speck of war, in the horizon? This is like the hero of La Mancha, burnishing up his old rusty armour, taking his Rozinante from the plough, and going abroad in search of broken bones, while all is peaceful and quiet about him.

Are the militia to "suppress insurrection and execute the laws?" We remember how well they did that in the whiskey insurrection, when the government had to organize a regular army, to oppose the "whiskey boys;" which cost the nation a million of dollars, and Mr. Adams his presidency. Laws, which cannot be executed without a military force, ought never to be enacted by a republican government. My countrymen, I tell you this solemn truth, that when you need the bayonet to execute your laws, you are no longer fit to be a republic. The neck that wants a yoke will soon find it. The nation that has not virtue enough to execute its laws by the help of the constable's staff and the sheriff's wand, but must call in a military force, will soon have a "military chieftain" for its ruler, who will dispense with the forms of election.

When this country is conquered, it will be by itself. If it should ever be reduced to slavery, it will be by some Cesar, or Dionysius, or Alcibiades, or Napoleon, that she has nursed in her own bosom. No nation, situated like ours, ever lost its liberty by foreign conquest; but many such nations have lost their lib erty by encouraging a military spirit.