Lord Hillsborough had formerly, at sundry times, discoursed with Dr. Franklin on the subject of the restraining act, relative to paper-money: the latter now waited on the new minister, in order again to press the repeal of the same; but he found he had not altered in the sentiments concerning it, which he entertained when at the head of the board of trade, and which still continued adverse to it. talk at the time of getting Dr. Franklin ap- | expenses necessary to the prosperity of the pointed under secretary of state for that de- empire, they continued to assert, that having partment; but it fell through, he being con- parliaments of their own, and not having residered too much of an American. presentatives in that of Great Britain, their own parliaments were the only proper judges of what they could and ought to contribute in this case; and that the English parliament had no right to take their money without their consent. They considered the British empire, not as a single state, but as comprehending many; and though the parliament of Great Britain had arrogated to itself the power of taxing the colonies, it had no more right to do so, than it had to tax Hanover: both countries had the same king, but not the same legislatures. The Americans, conceiving their rights thus established, were determined to maintain them; and they accord resolved to subjugate them to its authority, that calm, steady perseverance, worthy of men who were determined to be free. Dr. Franklin took this opportunity of conversing with his lordship concerning the particular affair with which he was charged by his Pennsylvania constituents, relative to the change of government in that province; giv-ingly, opposed to the acts of a venal court, ing him a detail of all the proceedings hitherto, the delays it had experienced, and its present situation. He promised him he would inquire into the matter, and would talk with him further upon it: his lordship expressed great satisfaction at the good disposition that he said appeared now to be general in America, with regard to the British government, according to his last advices; and added, that he had by his majesty's order, written the most healing letters to the several governors, which if shown to the assemblies, as he supposed they would be; could not but confirm that good disposition. These expectations were not however realized the Americans began to be sensible of their own consequence, and the inhabitants of Boston, at a public meeting on the 27th October, 1767, entered into a variety of resolutions for encouraging manufactures, promoting economy, and restraining the use of foreign superfluities. These resolutions, all of which were highly prejudicial to the trade of Great Britain, contained a long list of articles which it was either determined not to use at all, or at least in the smallest possible quantities. A subscription was opened at the same time, and a committee appointed, for the increase of their old manufactures, and the establishment of new ones. Among other things, it was determined to give particular encouragement to the making of paper, glass, and other commodities that were liable to the payment of the new duties upon importation. It was also resolved to restrain the expense of funerals, to reduce dress to a degree of primitive simplicity and plainness, and, in general, not to purchase any commodities from the mother country, that could be procured in any of the colonies. All these resolutions were either adopted, or similar ones entered into, by most, if not all the other colonies on the continent. Though the colonies never pretended an exemption, from contributing to the common In 1772, lord Hillsborough gave in his re signation, occasioned, as was supposed, fron. some mortification he had experienced, or the evident dislike of the king to his administration, which he conceived had tended to weaken the affection and respect of the colonies for a royal government-a sentiment which Dr. Franklin had taken every proper means to encourage, by the communication of suitable information, and convincing proofs derived from America. But the doctor was not only instrumental in the dismissal of this minister, but perhaps in the appointment of his successor: for complaining of lord Hillsborough one day at court, to a person of considerable influence, that person told him, that the Americans were represented by his lordship as an unquiet people, not easily satisfied with any ministry; that however it was thought too much occasion had been given them to dislike the present; and he asked him, whether, in case he should be removed, he could name another likely to be more acceptable to the colonies? Dr. Franklin instantly replied, "Yes, there is lord Dartmouth-we liked him very well when he was at the head of the board formerly, and in all probability should again." This was probably reported: what influence it may have had is uncertain; but shortly after, lord Dartmouth was actually appointed to succeed lord Hillsborough, to the great satisfaction of all the friends of America. Dr. Franklin, it appears, had, about this time, a strong inclination to return to America, though well pleased with his residence in England, where, as he writes to his son, "Nothing can be more agreeable than my situation, more especially as I hope for less embarrassment from the new administration. A general respect paid me by the learned-a number of friends and acquaintance among uneasiness. The royal army had been brought thither with the avowed design of enforcing submission to the mother country. Speeches from the throne, and addresses from both houses of parliament, had taught them to look upon the inhabitants as factious turbulent citizens, who aimed at throwing off all subordination to Great Britain; they on the other hand were accustomed to look upon the soldiery as instruments of tyranny, sent on purpose to dragoon them out of their liberties. Mutual insults and provocations were the consequence. them, with whom I have a pleasing inter- | intercourse between Great Britain and her course; a character of so much weight, that colonies, many hoped that the contention beit has protected me, when some in power tween the two countries was finally closed. would have done me injury, and continued In all the provinces excepting Massachusetts, me in an office* they would have deprived appearances seemed to favour that opinion. me of; my company so much desired, that I Many incidents operated there to the preseldom dine at home in winter, and could judice of that harmony which had began elsespend the whole summer in the country-where to return. The stationing a military houses of inviting friends, if I chose it. Learn- force among them was a permanent source of ed and ingenious foreigners that came to England, almost all make a point of visiting me, (for my reputation is still higher abroad than here); several of the foreign ambassadors have assiduously cultivated my acquaintance, treating me as one of their corps, partly I believe, from the desire they have from time to time of hearing something of American affairs, an object become of importance in foreign courts, who begin to hope Britain's alarming power will be diminished by the defection of her colonies; and partly, that they may have an opportunity of introducing me to the gentlemen of their country who "On the evening of the 5th of March, 1770, desire it. The king, too, has lately been a tumult between the town's-people and a heard to speak of me with regard. These are party of the soldiers took place. In this the flattering circumstances; but a violent longing latter fired on the former and killed several for home sometimes seizes me, which I can of them. Moderate men interposed and preno otherwise subdue, but by promising my-vented a general carnage. The events of self a return next spring, or next autumn, this tragical night sunk deep in the minds of and so forth. As to returning hither, if I the citizens. The anniversary of it was obonce go back, I have no thoughts of it. I am served with great solemnity. Their ablest too far advanced in life, to propose three voy-speakers were successively employed to deages more. I have some important affairs to settle at home; and considering my double expenses here and there, I hardly think my salaries fully compensate the disadvantages. The late change, however, (of the American minister) being thrown into the balance, determines me to stay another winter." Lord Dartmouth had heretofore expressed great personal regard for Dr. Franklin, who now found himself upon very good terms with this new minister. liver an annual oration, to preserve the remembrance of it fresh in their minds. On these occasions, the blessings of liberty-the horrors of slavery-and a variety of such popular topics were displayed in elegant language, and presented to the public view in their most pleasing or most hideous forms. "The obstacles to returning harmony, which have already been mentioned, were increased by making the judges in Massachusetts independent of the province. FerAs an explanatory introduction to a trans-merly they had been paid by yearly grants action of much interest and importance in the annals of Dr. Franklin, which made a considerable noise at this time, (1773-4,) and which has not hitherto been satisfactorily developed to the public, it may be proper to revert a few years back to the history of the colony of Massachusetts; for which purpose the following short sketch, from an unknown hand, is submitted: "From the royal and ministerial assurances given in favour of America in the year 1769, the subsequent repeal in 1770, of five sixths of the duties which had been imposed in 1767, together with the renewal of the mercantile *Deputy postmaster-general of America. After his return to America, in the spring of 1775, the welfare of his country again induced him to cross the Atlantic in 1776, and undertake, at the age of seventy-one, infirm, and exposed to be captured, a win ter's voyage, to France; he returned in 1785 then in his eightieth year. from the assembly; but from the year 1772, Peter Oliver, the chief justice of the superior court, received his salary from the crown. This was resented by the assembly as a species of bribery, tending to bias his judicial determinations in favour of the mother country. They made it the foundation of an impeachment; but this produced no other consequence than a dissolution of the assembly which prosecuted the uncourtly measure. "A personal animosity between governor Bernard, lieutenant-governor Hutchinson, and some distinguished patriots in Massachusetts, contributed to perpetuate a flame of discontent in that province, though elsewhere it had visibly abated. This was worked up in the year 1773 to a high pitch by a singular combination of circumstances. Some letters had been written in the course of the dispute by lieutenant-governor Hutchinson, Mr. Oli sys ver, and others in Boston, to persons in power "I shall proceed to relate some particulars respecting Dr. Franklin's behaviour, when lord Loughborough, (then Mr. Wedderburn,) pronounced his violent invective against him at the privy council, on his presenting the complaints of the province of Massachusetts against their governor. Some of the particulars may be thought amusing. "On the morning of the day on which the cause was to be heard, I met Mr. Burke, in Parliament-street, accompanied by Dr. Douglas, afterwards bishop of Carlisle; and after introducing us to each other as men of letters, he asked me whither I was going? I said I could tell him where I wished to go. He then asking me where it was, I said to the privy-council, but that I was afraid I could not get admission. He then desired me to go along with him. Accordingly I did; but when we got into the anti-room, we found it quite filled with persons as desirous of getting admission as ourselves. Seeing this, I said we should never get through the crowd. He said, give me your arm; and locking it fast in his, he soon made his way to the door of the privy-council. I then said, ' Mr. Burke, you are an excellent leader :' he replied, I wish other persons thought so too.' 6 "This petition and remonstrance being transmitted to England, the merits of it were discussed before his majesty's privy council. After a hearing before that board, in which Dr. Franklin represented the province of Massachusetts, the governor and lieutenantgovernor were acquitted. Mr. Wedderburn, (afterwards lord Loughborough,) who defended the accused royal servants, in the course of his pleadings, inveighed against Dr. Franklin in the bitterest language, as the fomenter of the disputes between the two countries. It was no protection to this venerable sage, that being the agent of Massachusetts, he conceived it his duty to inform his constituents of letters written on public affairs, calculated to overturn their chartered constitution. The "After waiting a short time, the door of the age, respectable character, and highly literary privy-council opened, and we entered the rank of the subject of the philippic of The first, when Mr. Burke took his stand behind pert, prim, prater of the northern race,' (as the first chair next to the president, and I tethe satiric poet Churchill designates Wed-hind that the next to his. When the busiderburn,) turned the attention of the public on the transaction. The insult offered to one of their public agents, and especially to one who was both the idol and ornament of his country, sunk deep into the minds of the Americans: that a faithful servant, whom they loved and almost adored, should be insulted for discharging his official duty, rankled in their hearts."* Dr. Franklin told Mr. Lee, one of his counsel, after the business was concluded, that he was indifferent to Mr. Wedderburn's speech, but that he was indeed sincerely sorry to see the lords of council behave so indecently; manifesting, in the rudest manner, the great pleasure they received from the solicitor's speech; that dernier court, he said, before whom all the colony affairs were tried, was not likely to act in a candid and impartial manner upon any future American question. They showed, he added, that the coarsest language can be grateful to the politest ear. * See the Exa ninations, in this edition. ness was opened, it was sufficiently evident, from the speech of Mr. Wedderburn, who was counsel for the governor, that the real object of the court was to insult Dr. Franklin, All this time he stood in a corner of the room. not far from me, without the least apparent emotion. "Mr. Dunning, who was the leading counsel on the part of the colony, was so hoarse, that he could hardly make himself heard; and Mr. Lee, who was the second, spoke but feebly in reply; so that Mr. Wedderburn had a complete triumph. At the sallies of his sarcastic wit, all the members of the council, the president himself (lord Gower) not excepted, frequently laughed outright. No person belonging to the council behaved with decent gravity, except lord North, who, coming late, took his stand behind the chair opposite to me. "When the business was over, Dr. Franklin, * Error. He stood close to the fire, and in front of the council-table. in going out, took me by the hand, in a manner that indicated some feeling. I soon followed him, and going through the anti-room, saw Mr. Wedderburn there, surrounded with a circle of his friends and admirers. Being known to him, he stepped forwards, as if to speak to me; but I turned aside, and made what haste I could out of the place. "The next morning I breakfasted with the doctor, when he said, he had never before been so sensible of the power of a good conscience; for if he had not considered the thing for which he had been so much insulted, as one of the best actions of his life, and what he should certainly do again in the same circumstances, he could not have supported it.' He was accused of clandestinely procuring certain letters, containing complaints of the governor, and sending them to America, with a view to excite their animosity against him, and thus to embroil the two countries. But he assured me, that he did not even know that such letters existed, till they were brought to him as agent for the colony, in order to be sent to his constituents; and the cover of the letters on which the direction had been written, being lost, he only guessed at the person to whom they were addressed, by the contents. "That Dr. Franklin, notwithstanding he did not show it at the time, was much impressed by the business of the privy-council, appeared from this circumstance: when he attended there, he was dressed in a suit of Manchester velvet; and Silas Deane told me, when they met at Paris, to sign the treaty between France and America, he purposely put on that suit. "The publication of the letters of Hutchinson and Oliver, by the legislature of Massachusetts, and the transmission of attested copies of the same, with their address, eventually produced a duel between Mr. William Whately, (brother of the deceased Mr. Thomas Whately, secretary to the treasury, to whom the letters were originally addressed, and in whose possession they were supposed to have been at the time of his death, in 1772,) and Mr. John Temple,* of Boston, New England; each of whom had been suspected of having been instrumental in procuring the letters, and sending them to America. This tragical event, which Dr. Franklin could not foresee, nor had an opportunity of preventing, was maliciously made use of by his enemies, to cast an odium on his character." event that resulted therefrom, and probably with the intent of inserting it in his memoirs; for it is embodied in the present work, as well for justification, as an historical document, important in the American annals. Dr. Franklin may be considered as thus again continuing his own memoirs. HAVING been from my youth more or less engaged in public affairs, it has often happened to me in the course of my life, to be censured sharply for the part I took in them. Such censures I have generally passed over in silence, conceiving, when they were just, that I ought rather to amend than defend; and when they were undeserved, that a little time would justify me. Much experience has confirmed my opinion of the propriety of this conduct; for notwithstanding the frequent, and sometimes the virulent, attacks which the jostlings of party interests have drawn upon me, I have had the fel city of bringing down to a good old age as fair a reputation (may I be permitted to say it) as most public men that I have known, and have never had reason to repent my neglecting to defend it. This com I should, therefore, (persisting as old men ought to do in old habits,) have taken no notice of the late invective of the solicitor-general, nor of the abundant abuse in the papers, were I not urged to it by my friends, who say, that the first being delivered by a public officer of government, before a high and most respectable court, the privy council, and countenanced by its report, and the latter having that for its foundation, it behoves me, more especially as I am about leaving this country, to furnish them with the knowledge of such facts as may enable them to justify to others their good opinion of me. pels me to the present undertaking; for, otherwise, having, for some time past, been gradually losing all public connections, declining my agencies, determining on retiring to my little family, that I might enjoy the remainder of life in private repose, indifferent to the opinion of courtiers, as having nothing to seek or wish among them; and being secure, that time would soon lay the dust which prejudice and party have so lately raised, I should not think of giving myself the trouble of writing, and my friends of reading, an apology for my political conduct. That this conduct may be better understood, and its consistency more apparent, it seems necessary that I should first explain the principles on which I have acted. It has long appeared to me that the only true British policy was that which aimed at the good of the whole British empire, not that which sought the advantage of one part in the disadvantage of the others, therefore all measures of procuring gain to the mother coun try, arising from loss to her colonies, and all of gain to the colonies, arising from or occasioning loss to Britain, especially where the gain was small, and the loss great every abridgment of the power of the mother county, where that power was not prejudicial to the liberties of the colonists, and every diminution of the privileges of the colonists, where they were not prejudicial to the welfare of the mother country,I,fin my own mind, condemned as improper, partial, unjust, and mischievous tending to create dissensions, and weaken that union, on which the strength, solidity, and duration of the empire greatly depended; and I opposed, as far as my little powers went, all proceedings either here or in America, that in my opinion had such tendency. Hence it has often happened to me, that while I have been thought here too much of an American, I have in America been deemed too much of an Englishman.) From a thorough inquiry (on occasion of the stamp act) into the nature of the connection between Britain and the colonies, I became convinced, that the bond of their union is not the parliament but the king.) That in removing to America, a country out of the realm, they did not carry with them the statutes then existing; for if they did, the Puritans must have been subject there to the same grievous act of conformity, tithes, spiritual courts, &c., which they meant to be free from by going thither; and in vain would they have left their native country, and all the conveniences and comforts of its improved state, to combat the hardships of a new settlement in a distant wilderness, if they had taken with them what they meant to fly from, or if they had left a power behind them capable of sending the same chains after them, to bind them in America. They took with them, however, by compact, their allegiance to the king, and a legislative power for the making a new body of laws with his assent, by which they were to be governed. Hence they became distinct states, under the same prince, united as Ireland is to the crown, but not to the realm of England, and governed each by its own laws, though with the same sovereign, and having each the right of granting its own money to that sovereign. At the same time I considered the king's supreme authority over all the colonies, as of the greatest importance to them, affording a dernier resort for settling all their disputes, a means of preserving peace among them with each other, and a centre in which their common force might be united against a common enemy: this authority, I therefore thought, when acting within its due limits, should be ever as carefully supported by the colonists as by the inhabitants of Britain.) act, and endeavoured to obtain its repeal, as an infringement of the rights of the colonists, of no real advantage to Britain, since she might ever be sure of greater aids from our voluntary grants, than she could expect from arbitrary taxes, as by losing our respect and affection, on which much of her commerce with us depended, she would lose more in that commerce than she could possibly gain by such taxes, and as it was detrimental to the harmony which had till then so happily subsisted, and which was so essential to the welfare of the whole. And to keep up as much as in me lay, a reverence for the king, and a respect for the British nation on that side of the water, and on this, some regard for the colonies (both tending to promote that harmony,) I industriously on all occasions, in my letters to America, represented the measures that were grievous to them, as being neither royal nor national measures, but the schemes of an administration, which wished to recommend itself for its ingenuity in finance, or to avail itself of new revenues in creating, by places and pensions, new dependencies; for that the king was a good and gracious prince, and the people of Britain their real. friends.) (And on this side the water, I represented the people of America as fond of Britain, concerned for its interests and its glory, and without the least desire of a separation from it. In both cases, I thought and still think, I did not exceed the bounds of truth) and I have the heart-felt satisfaction attending good intentions, even when they are not successful. With these sentiments I could not but see with concern the sending of troops to Boston; and their behaviour to the people there, gave me infinite uneasiness, as I apprehended from that measure the worst of consequences;—a breach between the two countries. And I was the more concerned when I found, that it was considered there as a national measure, (since none here opposed it,) and as a proof that Britain had no longer a parental regard for them. I myself in conversation sometimes spoke of it in this light, and I own with some resentment, (being myself a native of that country) till I was, to my great surprise, assured by a gentleman of character and distinction, (whom I am not permitted to name)* that not only the measure I particularly censured so warmly, but all the other grievances we complained of, took their rise, not from the government here, but were projected, pro posed to administration, solicited, and obtained, by some of the most respectable among the Americans themselves as necessary measures for the welfare of that country.) As I could not readily assent to the probability of this, he undertook to convince me, and he * Dr. Williamson, of South Carolina, has avowed In conformity with these principles, and as agent for the colonies, I opposed the stamp himself as the communicator. VOL. I....M 84 |