schools for the population at large, of which there are thirteen in the valleys and thirty-four in the mountains; but for want of funds several of them have fallen into disuse. We should hope that in case a collection sufficiently liberal can be raised, some assistance might be given to this important object. How much good may be done by a little pecuniary help, may be formed from the following fact, stated by Mr. Lowther. "I found that a school in the mountains had been shut up for two years, for want of a fund to pay the schoolmaster. Upon inquiring how much his salary might be, I was astonished to find that it amounted only to the miserable pit

tauce of 11. per annum, and yet so poor were they as to be unable to raise this small sum."

Benefactions will be received at Messrs. Thomas Coutts and Co. Strand, and also by Messrs. Drummonds, Charing Cross, in the names of the following gentlemen, who have kindly consented to act as trustees:-The Right Honour able Lord Teignmonth; the Right Honourable J. C. Villiers, M. P.; William Wilberforce, Esq. M. P.; John Hartford, Esq. of Blaise Castle, near Bristol; Rev. W. Trevelyan; Gorges Lowther, Esq.-A Committee will be formed for the application and management of such sums as may be received.

FOREIGN.

FRANCE. The last law of elections tended, as we formerly remarked, to place in the hands of a small body of wealthy individuals the power of returning a very large proportion of the chamber of deputies. In consequence of this arrangement, the ultra royalists had been gradually increasing their numbers with every fresh annual election of a fifth of the chamber; and when assembled, after the last election, found themselves so strong as to be encouraged to make a direct attempt to displace the ministry. In this attempt, however, they would hardly have succeeded, but for the temporary aid of their direct opponents the liberal party; for though the ministerial party was inferior in number to both the others, yet it still outnumbered either one of them separately. A point was found at which the two extremes of the chambers could cordially meet, and that was in this attempt to displace the existing government. The liberal party, it is true, could only see in its success the probable advancement of their direct rivals to the possession of power; but they rightly judged that this afforded the best chance of one day getting into power themselves. They could only hope to do this by getting rid of that middle party, the ministerialists, which was formed chiefly by the enjoyment or the expectation of ministerial favour, and which, by its timid, feeble, temporising, and vacillating policy, while it afforded no broad ground of attack, gave satisfaction to neither party. By dissolving this body they might fairly hope to gain a very considerable accession of

strength. Their principles and those of the ultra royalists were too obviously distinguished from each other to admit of any who pretended to embrace their general view, siding with their opponents, as many of them thought themselves warranted in doing with respect to the existing government whose sentiments were less strongly marked. In short, they would, by helping even their direct rivals into power, bring to a more speedy issue the grand questions which agitate the minds of men in France. They would oblige the ultra royalists to speak out, and to shew what they really intended to do; whether they meant to abandon the views attributed to them, of restoring the abolished privileges of the clergy and aristocracy, and to set themselves to give stability to all those institutions, the creation of the Revolution, which the nation at large so fondly cherished; or whether they had it at heart to undo the work of that Revolution, and to restore as far 2s might seem practicable, the ancient order of things. Provided they should be induced by the responsibilities of their situation, and by a just appreciation of the danger to themselves and to the throne, of running counter to the wishes of France in points so nearly affecting the interests and the feelings of the great body of the people; and to declare themselves against any of the apprehended attempts, much good would thus be gained, and much future evil thus averted On the other hand, if, blindly following their prejudices, they took the part of employing their power in endeavouring to carry into effect the plans of counterrevolution which have been attributed

to them, then France would be seasonably alarmed, the opposition party would come to be regarded as the hope and stay of the nation: it would rally around it the great mass of the population, and the conflict could not fail to issue in the complete triumph of its principles. We have no doubt that it has been by some such considerations as these that the liberals have been influenced in the course they have pursued, and we are disposed to think that they have acted wisely with a view even to their own interests. Their importance as a party will now be greatly increased; and they will now form the regular and constitutional Opposition of France, the regular and constitutional check on the measures of government, and, in case of any future change, will naturally succeed to the power of the state. But it is time we should advert to the circumstances which have led us into these observations.

The draft of a reply to the king's speech prepared by a committee gave rise to a violent debate. A passage had been introduced into it which indirectly, but siguificantly, condemned the foreign policy of the government. It was as follows: "We congratulate you, sire, upon your continued amicable relations with foreign powers, in the just confidence that a peace so precious has not been purchased by sacrifices incompatible with the honour of the nation and the dignity of your crown." Another passage seemed equally to reflect on its domestic policy. The proposed address was of course vehemently opposed by ministers; but it was carried by a considerable majority of the chamber, composed, as we have already intimated, by an union of the two parties of ultra royalists and liberals on one side, against the ministerial adherents on the other; or, as they are called in France, of the right and left against the centre. This marked defeat of ministers on an occasion so important, seemed necessarily to lead either to their immediate resignation or to the dissolution of the chamber. The indiguant reply the king was advised to give to the address, which he refused to receive except in private, was thought to indicate that the latter alternative had been resolved upon. A more deliberate review of the subject must have shewn ministers that they would have gained nothing by a fresh appeal to the nation, and they therefore resigned their places.-The new

administration is composed exclusively of persons who have ranged themselves with the ultra-royalist party. No president of the council of ministers has been appointed to succeed the Duke de Richelieu. The Viscount de Montmorency, a name distinguished' in the early annals of the French Revolution for his enthusiasm in favour of liberty, is secretary of state for foreign affairs; M. de Corbiere is minister of the interior; M. de Villele minister of finance; the Duke de Belluno (better known as Marshal Victor) minister at war; the Marquis de Clermont Tonnerre, minister of the marine and colonies; and M. de Peyronnet, a name only very recently' brought into notice by his having taken a lead in the state prosecutions of the last year, is made keeper of the seals. The change, it is said, will be extended to all the inferior offices of state, even down to the sub-prefects of departments.

It would be vain to speculate on the measures which will be pursued by the new administration, or on the tone they will take either with respect to their opponents at home, or with respect to the important scenes which are now acting on the theatre of Europe. They have commenced their career in the chamber with an act of a popular kind. A projét of a law had been introduced by their predecessors for renewing the censorship in periodical publications, and adding to the restrictions on the press generally. This projét has been withdrawn. It remains to be seen what they will substitute in its place. In the mean time, they have not disdained to avail themselves freely of the existing law of censorship, now nearly expired; and several of the newspapers have of late made their appearances with large blank spaces, indicating the interference of the censors. The ultra royalists, however, while they themselves were out of office," were so very strenuous in their opposition to a censorship which affected them equally with all other classes, that they cannot, with any consistency, have recourse to that expedient for curbing the press. It cannot be doubted, however, that they contemplate very rigid measures as necessary to restrain its licentiousness; and, indeed considering the present delicate and unsettled state of the public mind in France and the facility with which it may be inflamed, it must be conceded that no government,

however well intentioned and upright in its views, could stand, if the most vigilant superintendence were not exercised over the publications which issue from the press in that country.

We have been led to hope that the present ministers are much more friendly to the cause of Greece thán those who preceded them; and yet it is not easy to explain on what principles they are so. There is a kindred question, however, on which we dread their hostility even still more than the lukewarmness and indifference of their predecessors: we mean, that of the slave trade. But in this we may do them wrong. If they are actuated by the high sense of honour for which they take credit, they will doubtless feel it incumbent on them, whatever may be their own private views and wishes, to redeem the solemn pledges given upon this subject to this country and to Europe at large, not only by France, but by the king of France personally. If the religion they profess to venerate has any influence on their principles and conduct; if the stainless faith to which they so loudly advance their claim he any thing more than a pretence; we may then count upon their sincere and strenuous and persevering efforts, in concurrence with us, to repress effectually the traffic in human flesh carried on by Frenchmen, in violation of the word of their sovereign, and of the laws of their country, no less than of the laws of God.

SPAIN. The state of Spain appears to be becoming every day more deplorable. Violent tumults have taken place in various parts of the kingdom. Petitions of the most outrageous and insulting description are daily transmitted to the king, not only by the Jacobin Club of Madrid, but from almost all the provinces. Cadiz has gone farther, and may be considered as in a state of open revolt: it is even said to be making warlike preparations to defend itself against attack. Other towns are spoken of as inclined in like manner to throw off their allegiance; and threats have been held out of the march of a revolutionary army to the capital. In the midst of these distractions the ministry have tendered their resignation, which, however, has been refused; and the Cortes themselves seem seriously alarmed in the view of the complicated and increasing difficulties which surround them. Much will now depend on

their conduct. If it be firm, prompt, and loyal, yet prudent and conciliatory, we may hope to see them triumph over the machinations of faction; and, if opening their eyes to the causes of the evil, the bad and impracticable constitution which they have given to Spain, they would set themselves to remould it on more rational principles, the Revolution might still prove a blessing instead of a curse to the nation In the mean time, the epidemic, though somewhat abated, continues its ravages; and on the other side of the Atlantic the provinces of Spain seem, one after another, to be asserting and consolidating their independence; so that in a short time we may expect to see her entirely stript of them all, with the single exception of Cuba. The cause of the adherence of this particular colony to the mother country, is to be found not in any superior attachment to her rule, but in a sensibility to its own interests. The only security which the colonists of that island conceive they have against the immense numbers of slaves which their cupidity has led them to import from Africa, during the last twenty or thirty years, is in the protection of the metropolitan state; a protection, however, which, when insurrection shall have actually taken place, will prove very unavailing. On the other hand, the Cortes seem desirous of conciliating this important colony, the only one of any consequence which now acknowledges its sway. Accordingly, when a motion was lately made to inflict severer penalties on slavetraders, with the view of effectually repressing that traffic, the opposition of the deputies of Cuba and Cadiz proved effectual, and the motion was rejected. This argues ill for the principles of the Spanish revolutionists.

TURKEY.-The toils seem to be rapidly closing around the Ottoman empire. On the east Abbas Mirza, the hereditary Prince of Persia, is said to have made an unresisted advance, with an army of 100,000 men, as far as Erivan, the capital of Armenia, with a declared purpose of hostility towards Turkey. In the Morea the Greeks have been making some progress in driving the Turks from their fortified positions; and they may be considered as nearly masters of Greece proper. On the north, Russia continues her labours of hostile preparation, and, while she professes a strong desire to maintain peace unbroken, will agree to no relaxation

of her demands on Turkey, and intermits no measures for rendering the blow which she must, sooner or later, feel herself called to strike, decisive of the fate of the Ottoman empire in Europe. We cannot at all agree with those who regard Russia as acting an underhand and unjustifiable part on this occasion. She is constituted, by treaties solemnly made with the Porte itself, the protector of the Greeks. She is bound, by the most imperative ties of justice and humanity, to exercise this right of protection. Whether her views are directed beyond this, is another question. Admitting that they are so, still, in the firm position which she now takes in favour of the Greeks, she is doing no more than her plain and obvious duty requires her to do, and what she would merit the reprobation of Christendom if she neglected doing. This appearing to us to be the fair view of the case, we cannot believe that either Austria or England, or any other power, would feel itself justified in interfering, except in the way of amicable representation, to prevent Russia from exercising her clear and indubitable rights with respect to Greece; rights standing not merely on the faith of the recognized public law of Europe, but agreeing with that paramount law written on the heart, which would lead us to aid the rescue of our fellow men and fellow Christians from degradation, oppression, and tyranny of the most cruel and revolting kind. We will not do our own government the wrong to suppose, that, for a moment, it could be inclined to withstand the liberation of Greece from the Turkish yoke, even by diplomatic remonstrance, much less by force of arms; nor can we conceive by what arguments they could satisfy themselves, but, above all, parliament and the nation, that such an interference was called for. It has been said, indeed, that the interests of this country would be injured by the liberation of Greece, and still more by the occupation of the Dardanelles by Russia. But it might be easy to shew that these apprehensions are vain; at least that the evils to be apprehended are so remote and contingent as to furnish no rational ground for refusing to attend to the plain and obvious calls of humanity and justice even to the minds of those (and we ourselves are certainly not of the number) who conceive that the unambiguous claims of humanity

and justice may occasionally be superseded by their own short-sighted views of political expediency. Of what may have been the past policy, or whatever may be the future purposes, of our government with respect to Greece, we know nothing; but we look with some anxiety to the meeting of parliament for a development of both. In the mean time we rejoice to perceive that a strong and generous feeling begins to pervade the country in favour of the Greeks; and a public meeting, which we understand will take place about the time of the meeting of Parliament, will manifest, we trust, that feeling in a manner the most unequivocal and decisive.

DOMESTIC.

The state of Ireland appears to have been gradually improving since the close of the last month. The prompt measures adopted by the executive government for repressing the disorders in the south appear to have had a salutary effect; and the commission, which has been issued for trying the violators of the public peace, will probably complete the restoration of order. The actual violences which have taken place were confined to a small district, where there is reason to believe that the feuds of the gentry and magistracy, concurring with some peculiarly severe local grievances, had contributed to call forth the late burst of lawless and vindictive feeling among the neglected and semi-savage population of the county of Limerick, and a few places immediately adjoining. In the midst of this progress towards tranquillity, a change has suddenly taken place in the government of Ireland. The Marquis of Wellesley has been called from his retirement to succeed Lord Talbot; and Mr. Secretary Grant has been replaced by Mr. Goulbourn. For the first nomination it is easy to account on the principle of conciliating Ireland. That distinguished nobleman is a native Irish

man.

He has been a warm and uniform advocate of Catholic emancipation; and there is a splendour in his own political career, especially while he governed India, likely to attract the regard and ensure the confidence of his countrymen. It is not equally obvious why the latter change should have taken place. Mr. Grant we should have thought admirably suited to act as the confidential adviser of the noble marquis, agreeing, as he