league was turned upon himself. For when the true, that storms, though they blow over divers times, yet may fall at last; and as the Spanish proverb noteth well, the cord breaketh at last by the weakest pull. The causes and motions of seditions are, innovation in religion, taxes, alteration of laws and customs, breaking of privileges, general oppression, advancement of unworthy persons, strangers, dearths. disbanded soldiers, factions grown desperate; and whatsoever in offending people joineth and knitteth them in a common cause. For the remedies, there may be some general preservatives, whereof we will speak; as for the just cure, it must answer to the particular disease; and so be left to counsel, rather than rule. Also, when discords, and quarrels, and factions, are carried openly and audaciously, it is a sign the reverence of government is lost. For the motions of the greatest persons in a government ought to be as the motions of the planets under primum mobile, according to the old opinion; which is, that every of them is carried swiftly by the highest motion, and softly in their own motion, And therefore when great ones in their own particular motion move violently, and, as Tacitus expresseth it well, "liberius, quam ut imperantium meminissent;" it is a The first remedy or prevention, is to remove by sign the orbs are out of frame. For reverence is that all means possible that material cause of sedition, wherewith princes are girt from God, who threaten- whereof we spake; which is want and poverty in eth the dissolving thereof; "solvam cingula regum." | the estate. To which purpose serveth the opening So when any of the four pillars of government and well balancing of trade; the cherishing of ma are mainly shaken or weakened, which are religion, nufactures; the banishing of idleness; the repressjustice, counsel, and treasure, men had need to praying of waste and excess by sumptuary laws; the for fair weather. But let us pass from this part of improving and husbanding of the soil; the regulatpredictions, concerning which, nevertheless, more ing of prices of things vendible; the moderating of light may be taken from that which followeth, and taxes and tributes, and the like. Generally it is to let us speak first of the materials of seditions; then be foreseen, that the population of a kingdom, espeof the motives of them; and thirdly, of the remedies. cially if it be not mown down by wars, do not exceed Concerning the materials of seditions. It is a the stock of the kingdom which should maintain thing well to be considered; for the surest way to them. Neither is the population to be reckoned prevent seditions, if the times do bear it, is to take only by number: for a smaller number, that spend away the matter of them. For if there be fuel pre- more, and earn less, do wear out an estate sooner pared, it is hard to tell whence the spark shall come than a greater number that live lower and gather that shall set it on fire. The matter of seditions is more. Therefore the multiplying of nobility, and of two kinds : much poverty, and much discontent- other degrees of quality, in an over-proportion to ment. It is certain, so many overthrown estates, the common people, doth speedily bring a state to so many votes for troubles. Lucan noteth well the necessity: and so doth likewise an overgrown clergy; state of Rome before the civil war: for they bring nothing to the stock: and in like manner, when more are bred scholars, than preferments can take off. "Hinc usura vorax, rapidumque in tempore fonus, This same "multis utile bellum" is an assured and It is likewise to be remembered, that forasmuch as the increase of any estate must be upon the foreigner, for whatsoever is somewhere gotten is somewhere lost, there be but three things which one nation selleth unto another; the commodity as nature yieldeth it; the manufacture; and the vecture or carriage. So that if these three wheels go, wealth will flow as in a spring tide. And it cometh many times to pass, that " materiam superabit opus," that the work and carriage is more worth than the material, and enricheth a state more; as is notably seen in the Low-Countrymen, who have the best mines above ground in the world. Above all things good policy is to be used, that the treasures and monies in a state be not gathered into few hands. For otherwise a state may have a great stock, and yet starve. And money is like muck, not good except it be spread. This is done chiefly by suppressing, or at the least keeping a strait hand upon the devouring trades of usury, engrossing, great pasturages, and the like. For removing discontentments, or at least the danger of them, there is in every state, as we know, two portions of subjects, the noblesse, and the commonalty. When one of these is discontent, the danger is not great; for common people are of slow motion, if they be not excited by the greater sort; and the greater sort are of small strength, except the multitude be apt and ready to move of themselves. Then is the danger, when the greater sort do but wait for the troubling of the waters amongst the meaner, that then they may declare themselves. The poets feign, that the rest of the gods would have bound Jupiter; which he hearing of, by the counsel of Pallas, sent for Briareus with his hundred hands to come in to his aid. An emblem, no doubt, to show, how safe it is for monarchs to make sure of the good will of common people. To give moderate liberty for griefs and discontentments to evaporate, so it be without too great insolency or bravery, is a safe way. For he that turneth the humours back, and maketh the wound bleed inwards, endangereth malign ulcers, and pernicious imposthumations. The part of Epimetheus might well become Prometheus, in the case of discontentments, for there is not a better provision against them. Epimetheus, when griefs and evils flew abroad, at last shut the lid, and kept Hope in the bottom of the vessel. Certainly the politic and artificial nourishing and entertaining of hopes, and carrying men from hopes to hopes, is one of the best antidotes against the poison of discontentments. And it is a certain sign of a wise government and proceeding, when it can hold men's hearts by hopes, when it cannot by satisfaction: and when it can handle things in such manner, as no evil shall appear so peremptory, but that it hath some outlet of hope; which is the less hard to do, because both particular persons and factions are apt enough to flatter themselves, or at least to brave that which they believe not. the soldiers out of hope of the donative. Probus likewise by that speech, "Si vixero, non opus erit amplius Romano imperio militibus;" a speech of great despair for the soldiers and many the like. Surely, princes had need, in tender matters and ticklish times, to beware what they say; especially in these short speeches, which fly abroad like darts, and are thought to be shot out of their secret intentions. For, as for large discourses, they are flat things, and not so much noted. Lastly, let princes, against all events, not be without some great person, one, or rather more, of military valour, near unto them, for the repressing of seditions in their beginnings. For without that, there useth to be more trepidation in court upon the first breaking out of troubles, than were fit. And the state runneth the danger of that which Tacitus saith, atque is habitus animorum fuit, ut pessimum facinus auderent pauci, plures vellent, omnes paterentur." But let such military persons be assured and well reputed of, rather than factious and popular; holding also good correspondence with the other great men in the state; or else the remedy is worse than the disease. 66 XVI. OF ATHEISM. I had rather believe all the fables in the Legend, and the Talmud, and the Alcoran, than that this universal frame is without a mind. And therefore God never wrought miracle to convince atheism, because his ordinary works convince it. It is true, that a little philosophy inclineth man's mind to atheism; but depth in philosophy bringeth men's minds about to religion: for while the mind of man looketh upon second causes scattered, it may someAlso, the foresight and prevention that there be times rest in them, and go no farther; but when it no likely or fit head, whereunto discontented persons beholdeth the chain of them confederate and linked may resort, and under whom they may join, is a together, it must needs fly to Providence and Deity. known but an excellent point of caution. I under- Nay even that school which is most accused of stand a fit head to be one that hath greatness and atheism, doth most demonstrate religion; that is, the reputation; that hath confidence with the discontent-school of Leucippus, and Democritus, and Epicurus. ed party, and upon whom they turn their eyes; and that is thought discontented in his own particular: which kind of persons are either to be won and reconciled to the state, and that in a fast and true manner; or to be fronted with some other of the same party that may oppose them, and so divide the reputation. Generally, the dividing and breaking of all factions and combinations that are adverse to the state, and setting them at distance, or at least distrust amongst themselves, is one not of the worst remedies. For it is a desperate case, if those that hold with the proceedings of the state, be full of discord and faction; and those that are against it be entire and united. I have noted, that some witty and sharp speeches which have fallen from princes, have given fire to seditions. Cresar did himself infinite hurt in that speech; "Sylla nescivit literas, non potuit dictare:" for it did utterly cut off that hope which men had entertained, that he would at one time or other give over his dictatorship. Galba undid himself by that speech; "Legi a se militem, non emi:" for it put For it is a thousand times more credible, that four : Italos ipsos et Latinos; sed pietate, ac religione, atque hâc unâ sapientiâ, quod deorum immortalium numine omnia regi gubernarique perspeximus, omnes gentes nationesque superavimus." XVII. OF SUPERSTITION. : as God, why should they trouble themselves? Epicurus is charged, that he did but dissemble, for his credit's sake, when he affirmed there were blessed natures, but such as enjoyed themselves without having respect to the government of the world. Wherein they say he did temporize, though in secret he thought there was no God. But certainly he is traduced; for his words are noble and divine: "Non deos vulgi negare profanum; sed vulgi opiniones It were better to have no opinion of God at all, diis applicare profanum." Plato could have said no than such an opinion as is unworthy of him: for the more. And although he had the confidence to deny one is unbelief, the other is contumely and certhe administration, he had not the power to deny tainly superstition is the reproach of the Deity. the nature. The Indians of the west have names Plutarch saith well to that purpose: "Surely," for their particular gods, though they have no name saith he, "I had rather a great deal men should say, for God as if the heathens should have had the there was no such man at all as Plutarch, than that names Jupiter, Apollo, Mars, &c. but not the word they should say, that there was one Plutarch, that Deus; which shows, that even those barbarous would eat his children as soon as they were born; people have the notion, though they have not the as the poets speak of Saturn." And as the conlatitude and extent of it. So that against atheists tumely is greater towards God, so the danger is the very savages take part with the very subtilest greater towards men. Atheism leaves a man to philosophers. The contemplative atheist is rare; a sense, to philosophy, to natural piety, to laws, to reDiagoras, a Bion, a Lucian perhaps, and some putation; all which may be guides to an outward others; and yet they seem to be more than they moral virtue, though religion were not: but superare; for that all that impugn a received religion, or stition dismounts all these, and erecteth an absolute superstition, are by the adverse part branded with monarchy in the minds of men. Therefore atheism the name of atheists. But the great atheists indeed did never perturb states; for it makes men wary of are hypocrites; which are ever handling holy things, themselves, as looking no farther and we see the but without feeling; so as they must needs be cau- times inclined to atheism, as the time of Augustus terised in the end. The causes of atheism are; Cæsar, were civil times. But superstition hath divisions in religion, if they be many; for any one been the confusion of many states; and bringeth in main division addeth zeal to both sides; but many a new primum mobile, that ravisheth all the spheres divisions introduce atheism. Another is, scandal of of government. The master of superstition is the priests; when it is come to that which St. Bernard people; and in all superstition wise men follow saith, non est jam dicere, ut populus, sic sacerdos: fools; and arguments are fitted to practice in a requia nec sic populus, ut sacerdos." A third is cus- versed order. It was gravely said by some of the tom of profane scoffing in holy matters; which prelates in the council of Trent, where the doctrine doth by little and little deface the reverence of reli- of the schoolmen bare great sway; that the schoolgion. And lastly, learned times, especially with men were like astronomers, which did feign eccen peace and prosperity: for troubles and adversities trics and epicycles, and such engines of orbs, to do more bow men's minds to religion. They that save the phenomena, though they knew there were deny a God destroy man's nobility: for certainly no such things; and in like manner, that the schoolman is of kin to the beasts by his body; and if he men had framed a number of subtile and intricate be not of kin to God by his spirit, he is a base and axioms and theorems, to save the practice of the ignoble creature. It destroys likewise magnanimity, church. The causes of superstition are: pleasing and the raising of human nature: for take an exam- and sensual rites and ceremonies: excess of outward ple of a dog, and mark what a generosity and cour- and pharisaical holiness: over-great reverence of age he will put on, when he finds himself main-traditions, which cannot but load the church: the tained by a man, who to him is instead of a God, or melior natura: which courage is manifestly such, as that creature, without confidence of a better nature than his own, could never attain. when he resteth and assureth himself upon divine protection and favour, gathereth a force and faith, which human nature in itself could not obtain: therefore as atheism is in all respects hateful, so in this, that it depriveth human nature of the means to exalt itself above human frailty. As it is in particular persons, so it is in nations: never was there such a state for magnanimity as Rome; of this state hear what Cicero saith: "Quam volumus, licet, patres conscripti, nos amemus, tamen nec numero Hispanos, nec robore Gallos, nec calliditate Pœnos, nec artibus Græcos, nec denique hoc ipso hujus gentis et terra domestico nativoque sensu 66 So man, stratagems of prelates for their own ambition and lucre: the favouring too much of good intentions, which openeth the gate to conceits and novelties: the taking an aim at divine matters by human, which cannot but breed mixture of imaginations: and lastly, barbarous times, especially joined with calamities and disasters. Superstition without a veil is a deformed thing: for as it addeth deformity to an ape to be so like a man; so the similitude of superstition to religion makes it the more deformed. And as wholesome meat corrupteth to little worms, so good forms and orders corrupt into a number of petty observances. There is a superstition in avoiding superstition; when men think to do best, if they go farthest from the superstition formerly received: therefore care would be had, that, as it fareth in ill purgings, the good be not taken away with the bad, which commonly is done when the people is the removeth; that he may use his favour in those things reformer. XVIII OF TRAVEL. Travel in the younger sort is a part of education; in the elder a part of experience. He that travelleth into a country before he hath some entrance into the language, goeth to school, and not to travel. That young men travel under some tutor or grave servant, I allow well; so that he be such a one that hath the language, and hath been in the country before; whereby he may be able to tell them what things are worthy to be seen in the country where they go, what acquaintances they are to seek, what exercises or discipline the place yieldeth. For else young men shall go hooded, and look abroad little. It is a strange thing, that in sea-voyages, where there is nothing to be seen but sky and sea, men should make diaries; but in land-travel, wherein so much is to be observed, for the most part they omit it; as if chance were fitter to be registered than observation. Let diaries therefore be brought in use. The things to be seen and observed are: the courts of princes, especially when they give audience to ambassadors; the courts of justice while they sit and hear causes and so of consistories ecclesiastic: the churches and monasteries, with the monuments which are therein extant: the walls and fortifications of cities and towns, and so the havens and harbours: antiquities and ruins; libraries, colleges, disputations, and lectures, where any are; shipping and navies; houses, and gardens of state and pleasure near great cities; armories, arsenals, magazines, exchanges, burses, warehouses, exercises of horsemanship, fencing, training of soldiers, and the like; comedies, such whereunto the better sort of persons do resort; treasuries of jewels and robes, cabinets and rarities: and to conclude, whatsoever is memorable in the places where they go. After all which, the tutors or servants ought to make diligent inquiry. As for triumphs, masks, feasts, weddings, funerals, capital executions, and such shows, men need not to be put in mind of them; yet are they not to be neglected. If you will have a young man to put his travel into a little room, and in short time to gather much, this you must do ; first, as was said, he must have some entrance into the language before he goeth. Then he must have such a servant, or tutor, as knoweth the country, as was likewise said. Let him carry with him also some card or book describing the country where he travelleth, which will be a good key to his inquiry. Let him keep also a diary. Let him not stay long in one city or town; more or less as the place deserveth, but not long: nay, when he stayeth in one city or town, let him change his lodging from one end and part of the town to another, which is a great adamant of acquaintance. Let him sequester himself from the company of his countrymen, and diet in such places where there is good company of the nation where he travelleth. Let him, upon his removes from one place to another, procure recommendation to some person of quality residing in the place whither he he desireth to see or know. Thus he may abridge his travel with much profit. As for the acquaintance which is to be sought in travel, that which is most of all profitable, is acquaintance with the secretaries and employed men of ambassadors; for so in travelling in one country, he shall suck the experience of many. Let him also see and visit eminent persons in all kinds, which are of great name abroad; that he may be able to tell how the life agreeth with the fame. For quarrels, they are with care and discretion to be avoided: they are commonly for mistresses, healths, place, and words. And let a man beware how he keepeth company with choleric and quarrelsome persons; for they will engage him into their own quarrels. When a traveller returneth home, let him not leave the countries where he hath travelled altogether behind him; but maintain a correspondence by letters with those of his acquaintance which are of most worth. And let his travel appear rather in his discourse than in his apparel or gesture; and in his discourse, let him be rather advised in his answers than forward to tell stories: and let it appear that he doth not change his country manners for those of foreign parts; but only prick in some flowers of that he hath learned abroad, into the customs of his own country. XIX. OF EMPIRE. It is a miserable state of mind to have few things to desire, and many things to fear and yet that commonly is the case of kings, who being at the highest, want matter of desire, which makes their minds more languishing: and have many representations of perils and shadows, which make their minds the less clear. And this is one reason also of that effect which the Scripture speaketh of, "that the king's heart is inscrutable." For multitude of jealousies, and lack of some predominant desire, that should marshal and put in order all the rest, maketh any man's heart hard to find or sound. Hence it comes likewise, that princes many times make themselves desires, and set their hearts upon toys; sometimes upon a building; sometimes upon erecting of an order; sometimes upon the advancing of a person; sometimes upon obtaining excellency in some art, or feat of the hand; as Nero for playing on the harp; Domitian for certainty of the hand with the arrow; Commodus for playing at fence; Caracalla for driving chariots; and the like. This seemeth incredible unto those that know not the principle, That the mind of man is more cheered and refreshed by profiting in small things, than by standing at a stay in great. We see also, that kings that have been fortunate conquerors in their first years, it being not possible for them to go forward infinitely, but that they must have some check or arrest in their fortunes, turn in their latter years to be superstitious and melancholy: as did Alexander the Great, Dioclesian, and in our memory Charles the Fifth, and others; for he that is used to go forward, and findeth a stop, falleth out of his own favour, and is not the thing he was. To speak now of the true temper of empire: it is a thing rare and hard to keep; for both temper and distemper consist of contraries. But it is one thing to mingle contraries, another to interchange them. The answer of Apollonius to Vespasian is full of excellent instruction: Vespasian asked him, what was Nero's overthrow? He answered, Nero could touch and tune the harp well, but in government sometimes he used to wind the pins too high, sometimes to let them down too low. And certain it is, that nothing destroyeth authority so much as the unequal and untimely interchange of power pressed too far, and relaxed too much. This is true, that the wisdom of all these latter times, in princes' affairs, is rather fine deliveries, and shiftings of dangers and mischiefs, when they are near; than solid and grounded courses to keep them aloof. But this is but to try masteries with fortune: and let men beware how they neglect and suffer matter of trouble to be prepared; for no man can forbid the spark, nor tell whence it may come. The difficulties in princes' business are many and great; but the greatest difficulty is often in their own mind. For it is common with princes, saith Tacitus, to will contradictories. "Sunt plerumque regum voluntates vehementes, et inter se contrariæ." For it is the solecism of power, to think to command the end, and yet not to endure the mean. Kings have to deal with their neighbours; their wives; their children; their prelates or clergy; their nobles; their second nobles or gentlemen; their merchants; their commons; and their men of war; and from all these arise dangers, if care and circumspection be not used. First, for their neighbours, there can no general rule be given, the occasions are so variable, save one, which ever holdeth; which is, that princes do keep due sentinel, that none of their neighbours do overgrow so, by increase of territory, by embracing of trade, by approaches, or the like, as they become more able to annoy them, than they were. And this is generally the work of standing counsels, to foresee and to hinder it. During that triumvirate of kings, King Henry the Eighth, of England; Francis the First, king of France; and Charles the Fifth, emperor, there was such a watch kept, that none of the three could win a palm of ground, but the other two would straightways balance it, either by confederation, or if need were by a war: and would not in any wise take up peace at interest. And the like was done by that league, which, Guicciardine saith, was the security of Italy, made between Ferdinando, king of Naples; Lorenzius Medices, and Ludovicus Sforza, potentates, the one of Florence, the other of Milan. Neither is the opinion of some of the schoolmen to be received, that a war cannot justly be made but upon a precedent injury, or provocation. For there is no question but a just fear of an imminent danger, though there be no blow given, is a lawful cause of a war. For their wives, there are cruel examples of them. Livia is infamed for the poisoning of her husband; Roxolana, Solyman's wife, was the destruction of that renowned prince, Sultan Mustapha; and other wise troubled his house and succession: Edward the second of England his queen had the principal hand in the deposing and murder of her husband. This kind of danger is then to be feared, chiefly, when the wives have plots for the raising their own chil| dren, or else that they be advowtresses. The For their children: the tragedies likewise of the dangers from them have been many : and generally. the entering of the fathers into suspicion of their children hath been ever unfortunate. The destruction of Mustapha, that we named before, was so fatal to Solyman's line, as the succession of the Turks, from Solyman until this day, is suspected to be untrue, and of strange blood; for that Solymus the second was thought to be supposititious. destruction of Crispus, a young prince of rare towardness, by Constantius the Great, his father, was in like manner fatal to his house; for both Constantinus and Constans, his sons, died violent deaths: and Constantinus his other son did little better; who died indeed of sickness, but after that Julianus had taken arms against him. The destruction ef Demetrius, son to Philip the second of Macedon, turned upon the father, who died of repentance. And many like examples there are; but few or none where the fathers had good by such distrust, except it were where the sons were up in open arms against them; as was Solymus the first against Bajazet: and the three sons of Henry the Second, king of England. For their prelates, when they are proud and great, there is also danger from them: as it was in the times of Anselmus and Thomas Becket, archbishops of Canterbury, who with their crosiers did almost try it with the king's sword; and yet they had to deal with stout and haughty kings, William Rufus, Henry the first, and Henry the second. The danger is not from that state, but where it hath a dependence of foreign authority; or where the churchmen come in, and are elected, not by the collation of the king or particular patrons, but by the people. For their nobles; to keep them at a distance it is not amiss; but to depress them, may make a king more absolute, but less safe; and less able to perform any thing that he desires. I have noted it in my "History of king Henry the seventh of England," who depressed his nobility; whereupon it came to pass that his times were full of difficulties and troubles: for the nobility, though they continued loyal unto him, yet did they not co-operate with him in his business. So that in effect he was fain to do all things himself. For their second nobles; there is not much danger from them, being a body dispersed. They may sometimes discourse high, but that doth little hurt: besides, they are a counterpoise to the higher nobility, that they grow not too potent: and lastly, being the most immediate in authority with the common people, they do best temper popular commotions. For their merchants, they are vena porta; and if they flourish not, a kingdom may have good limbs, but will have empty veins, and nourish little. Taxes |